2010年全国硕士研究生招生考试英语（二）试题

The outbreak of swine flu that was first detected in Mexico was declared a global epidemic on June 11, 2009.

最初在墨西哥被发现的猪流感爆发于 2009 年 6 月 11 日被宣布为全球性流行病。

It is the first worldwide epidemic 1 by the World Health Organization in 41 years.

这是世界卫生组织 41年来首次宣布的全球性疫情 1 。

The heightened alert 2 an emergency meeting with flu experts in Geneva that assembled after a sharp rise in cases in Australia, and rising 3 in Britain, Japan, Chile and elsewhere.

高度警戒 2 了日内瓦一次与流感专家的紧急会议，这次会议在澳大利亚病例急剧上升，以及英国、日本、智利等其他地区 3 不断上升之后召开。

But the epidemic is “ 4 ” in severity, according to Margaret Chan, the organization’s director general, 5 the overwhelming majority of patients experiencing only mild symptoms and a full recovery, often in the 6 of any medical treatment.

但据该组织总干事陈冯富珍称，这种流行病在严重程度上是“4”的，5大多数患者只出现轻微症状并能完全康复，通常 6任何医疗治疗。

The outbreak came to global 7 in late April 2009, when Mexican authorities noted an unusually large number of hospitalizations and deaths 8 healthy adults.

疫情在 2009年 4月下旬达到全球 7，当墨西哥当局注意到异常多的住院和死亡病例 8 健康成年人。

As much of Mexico City shut down at the height of a panic, cases began to 9 in New York City, the southwestern United States and around the world.

当墨西哥城在恐慌达到顶峰时大部分关闭，病例开始在 9 出现于纽约市、美国西南部以及全球各地。

In the United States, new cases seemed to fade 10 warmer weather arrived.

在美国，新病例似乎消退 10 较温暖的天气到来。

But in late September 2009, officials reported there was 11 flu activity in almost every state and that virtually all the 12 tested are the new swine flu, also known as (A) H1N1, not seasonal flu.

但 2009 年 9 月下旬，官员们报告称几乎每个州都有 11 起流感活动，并且几乎所有的 12 个被检测样本都是新型猪流感，也称为（A）H1N1，而非季节性流感。

In the U.S., it has 13 more than one million people, and caused more than 600 deaths and more than 6,000 hospitalizations.

在美国，它有 13 超过一百万人，并导致超过 600人死亡和超过 6000人住院。

Federal health officials 14 Tamiflu for children from the national stockpile and began 15 orders from the states for the new swine flu vaccine.

联邦卫生官员 14 Tamiflu 从国家储备中并开始 15 各州关于新型猪流感疫苗的订单。

The new vaccine, which is different from the annual flu vaccine, is 16 ahead of expectations.

这种新疫苗与年度流感疫苗不同，16 超出预期。

More than three million doses were to be made available in early October 2009, though most of those 17 doses were of the FluMist nasal spray type, which is not 18 for pregnant women, people over 50 or those with breathing difficulties, heart disease or several other 19 .

超过三百万剂疫苗将在 2009年 10月初投入使用，尽管那些 17 剂中大部分是FluMist鼻喷剂型，这种剂型不 18 孕妇、50岁以上人群或有呼吸困难、心脏病或若干其他 19 的人。

But it was still possible to vaccinate people in other high-risk groups: health care workers, people 20 infants and healthy young people.

但仍然可以为其他高风险群体的人接种疫苗：医护人员、20 名婴儿和健康的年轻人。

The longest bull run in a century of art-market history ended on a dramatic note with a sale of 56 works by Damien Hirst, Beautiful Inside My Head Forever, at Sotheby’s in London on September 15th 2008.

在艺术市场历史上一个世纪以来最长的牛市于 2008 年 9 月 15 日在伦敦苏富比以达明安·赫斯特的系列作品《Beautiful Inside My Head Forever》的拍卖画上句号。

All but two pieces sold, fetching more than £70m, a record for a sale by a single artist.

除两件作品外，其余全部售出，总成交额超过 7000 万英镑，创下单个艺术家作品拍卖的最高纪录。

It was a last victory.

这是最后一次胜利。

As the auctioneer called out bids, in New York one of the oldest banks on Wall Street, Lehman Brothers, filed for bankruptcy.

当拍卖师喊出竞价时，位于华尔街的一家历史悠久的银行——雷曼兄弟，在纽约申请了破产。

The world art market had already been losing momentum for a while after rising bewilderingly since 2003.

在2003年以来艺术市场迅速上涨之后，世界艺术市场已经有一段时间失去了动力。

At its peak in 2007 it was worth some $65 billion, reckons Clare McAndrew, founder of Arts Economics, a research firm – double the figure five years earlier.

据研究公司Arts Economics的创始人克莱尔·麦克安德鲁估算，2007年该市场达到顶峰时价值约为650亿美元，是五年前数字的两倍。

Since then it may have come down to $50 billion.

但从那以后，其价值可能已降至500亿美元。

But the market generates interest far beyond its size because it brings together great wealth, enormous egos, greed, passion and controversy in a way matched by few other industries.

然而，这个市场因其聚集了巨额财富、巨大的自我、贪婪、激情和争议，而引起了远超其规模的关注，这种现象在其他行业中很少见。

In the weeks and months that followed Mr. Hirst’s sale, spending of any sort became deeply unfashionable.

在赫斯特先生作品拍卖之后的几周和几个月里，任何形式的消费都变得极不时尚。

In the art world that meant collectors stayed away from galleries and salerooms.

在艺术界，这意味着收藏家们远离了画廊和拍卖行。

Sales of contemporary art fell by two-thirds, and in the most overheated sector, they were down by nearly 90% in the year to November 2008.

到2008年11月为止，当代艺术的销售额下降了三分之二，在最过热的领域，降幅甚至接近90%。

Within weeks the world’s two biggest auction houses, Sotheby’s and Christie’s, had to pay out nearly $200m in guarantees to clients who had placed works for sale with them.

几周之内，世界上最大的两家拍卖行苏富比和佳士得不得不向那些将作品委托给他们拍卖的客户支付近2亿美元的保证金。

The current downturn in the art market is the worst since the Japanese stopped buying Impressionists at the end of 1989.

目前艺术市场的低迷是自1989年底日本停止购买印象派作品以来最严重的一次。

This time experts reckon that prices are about 40% down on their peak on average, though some have been far more fluctuant.

但专家们认为，这一次价格平均比峰值下降了约40%，尽管有些作品的价格波动要大得多。

But Edward Dolman, Christie’s chief executive, says: “I’m pretty confident we’re at the bottom.

但佳士得首席执行官爱德华·多尔曼表示：‘我相当有信心，我们现在已经触底了。’

What makes this slump different from the last, he says, is that there are still buyers in the market.

他表示，这次市场低迷与上一次的不同之处在于，目前市场上仍然存在买家。

Almost everyone who was interviewed for this special report said that the biggest problem at the moment is not a lack of demand but a lack of good work to sell.

几乎所有接受采访的专家都表示，目前最大的问题不是需求不足，而是缺乏值得出售的好作品。

The three Ds – death, debt and divorce – still deliver works of art to the market.

死亡、债务和离婚这三大因素仍然将艺术品带入市场。

But anyone who does not have to sell is keeping away, waiting for confidence to return.

但那些没有被迫出售的人则选择观望，等待市场信心恢复。

I was addressing a small gathering in a suburban Virginia living room – a women’s group that had invited men to join them.

我正在弗吉尼亚州郊区的一间客厅里对一个小群体讲话——这是一个邀请男性加入的女性小组。

Throughout the evening, one man had been particularly talkative, frequently offering ideas and anecdotes, while his wife sat silently beside him on the couch.

整个晚上，有一个人特别健谈，经常提出想法和讲述趣事，而他的妻子则默默地坐在他旁边沙发上。

Toward the end of the evening, I commented that women frequently complain that their husbands don’t talk to them.

在晚上快结束的时候，我评论说，女性经常抱怨她们的丈夫不跟她们说话。

This man quickly nodded in agreement.

这位男士迅速点头表示同意。

He gestured toward his wife and said, “She’s the talker in our family.

他朝妻子做了个手势，说道，‘她是我们家最健谈的人。’

The room burst into laughter; the man looked puzzled and hurt.

房间内爆发出一阵笑声；那个男人看起来困惑又受伤。

“It’s true,” he explained.

“这是真的，”他解释道。

“When I come home from work I have nothing to say.

我下班回家后，什么也不想说。

If she didn’t keep the conversation going, we’d spend the whole evening in silence.

如果她不继续交谈，我们整个晚上都会沉默不语。

This episode crystallizes the irony that although American men tend to talk more than women in public situations, they often talk less at home.

这一事件凸显出一种讽刺：尽管美国男性在公共场合往往比女性更爱说话，但他们在家里的谈话却往往更少。

And this pattern is wreaking havoc with marriage.

这种模式正在对婚姻造成严重破坏。

The pattern was observed by political scientist Andrew Hacker in the late 1970s.

这种现象是由政治学家安德鲁·哈克尔在20世纪70年代末观察到的。

Sociologist Catherine Kohler Riessman reports in her new book Divorce Talk that most of the women she interviewed – but only a few of the men – gave lack of communication as the reason for their divorces.

社会学家凯瑟琳·科勒·里斯曼在其新书《离婚谈话》中报告称，她采访的大多数女性——但只有少数男性——都将缺乏沟通列为离婚的原因。

Given the current divorce rate of nearly 50 percent, that amounts to millions of cases in the United States every year – a virtual epidemic of failed conversation.

鉴于目前的离婚率接近50%，这意味着美国每年有数百万起离婚案例——一种沟通失败的近乎流行病式的危机。

In my own research, complaints from women about their husbands most often focused not on tangible inequities such as having given up the chance for a career to accompany a husband to his, or doing far more than their share of daily life-support work like cleaning, cooking and social arrangements.

在我的研究中，女性对丈夫的抱怨最常集中在沟通问题上，而不是诸如放弃职业机会去追随丈夫，或承担了大部分日常支持性工作（如打扫、做饭和安排社交活动）等具体不公。

Instead, they focused on communication: “He doesn’t listen to me.

相反，他们专注于沟通：他不听我的。

“He doesn’t talk to me.

他不跟我说话。

I found, as Hacker observed years before, that most wives want their husbands to be, first and foremost, conversational partners, but few husbands share this expectation of their wives.

我发现，正如Hacker多年前观察到的那样，大多数妻子首先希望丈夫成为交谈伙伴，但很少有丈夫对妻子抱有同样的期望。

In short, the image that best represents the current crisis is the stereotypical cartoon scene of a man sitting at the breakfast table with a newspaper held up in front of his face, while a woman glares at the back of it, wanting to talk.

简而言之，最能代表当前危机的形象，就是那种典型的漫画场景：一个男人坐在早餐桌前，报纸挡在面前，而女人则愤怒地盯着报纸的背面，想要和他交谈。

Over the past decade, many companies had perfected the art of creating automatic behaviors – habits – among consumers.

在过去十年中，许多公司已经精通了在消费者中培养自动行为——习惯——的艺术。

These habits have helped companies earn billions of dollars when customers eat snacks or wipe counters almost without thinking, often in response to a carefully designed set of daily cues.

这些习惯帮助公司在顾客几乎不假思索地吃零食或擦拭台面时赚取了数十亿美元，而这些行为通常是对精心设计的一系列日常提示的反应。

“There are fundamental public health problems, like dirty hands instead of a soap habit, that remain killers only because we can’t figure out how to change people’s habits,” said Dr. Curtis, the director of the Hygiene Center at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine.

伦敦卫生与热带医学院卫生中心的主任 Curtis 博士说："存在一些根本性的公共卫生问题，比如不养成用肥皂洗手的习惯而只是脏手，这些问题仍然是杀手，仅仅因为我们无法找到改变人们习惯的方法。"

“We wanted to learn from private industry how to create new behaviors that happen automatically.

Curtis 博士想从私营企业那里学习如何创造自动发生的新行为。

The companies that Dr. Curtis turned to – Procter & Gamble, Colgate- Palmolive and Unilever – had invested hundreds of millions of dollars finding the subtle cues in consumers’ lives that corporations could use to introduce new routines.

Curtis 博士所求助的公司——宝洁公司、高露洁-棕榄公司和联合利华公司——已经投入了数亿资金，寻找消费者生活中细微的提示，企业可以利用这些提示来引入新的日常习惯。

If you look hard enough, you’ll find that many of the products we use every day

如果你仔细观察，你会发现我们每天使用的产品中有很多

– chewing gums, skin moisturizers, disinfecting wipes, air fresheners, water purifiers, health snacks, teeth whiteners, fabric softeners, vitamins – are results of manufactured habits.

——口香糖、皮肤保湿剂、消毒湿巾、空气清新剂、净水器、健康零食、牙齿美白产品、织物柔软剂、维生素——都是制造出来的习惯的产物。

A century ago, few people regularly brushed their teeth multiple times a day.

一个世纪前，很少有人每天多次定期刷牙。

Today, because of shrewd advertising and public health campaigns, many Americans habitually give their pearly whites a cavity-preventing scrub twice a day, often with Colgate, Crest or one of the other brands.

如今，由于精明的广告和公共卫生运动，许多美国人习惯于每天两次用牙膏（如佳洁士、高露洁或其他品牌）清洁牙齿，以预防龋齿。

A few decades ago, many people didn’t drink water outside of a meal.

几十年前，很多人除了吃饭时外，不会喝水。

Then beverage companies started bottling the production of far-off springs, and now office workers unthinkingly sip bottled water all day long.

后来饮料公司开始将远在异地的泉水装瓶销售，现在办公室工作人员整天无意识地喝着瓶装水。

Chewing gum, once bought primarily by adolescent boys, is now featured in commercials as a breath freshener and teeth cleanser for use after a meal.

口香糖曾经主要是青少年男孩购买，现在却在广告中被宣传为餐后清新口气和清洁牙齿的用品。

Skin moisturizers are advertised as part of morning beauty rituals, slipped in between hair brushing and putting on makeup.

皮肤保湿剂被宣传为早晨美容仪式的一部分，夹在梳头和化妆之间使用。

“Our products succeed when they become part of daily or weekly patterns,” said Carol Berning, a consumer psychologist who recently retired from Procter & Gamble, the company that sold $76 billion of Tide, Crest and other products last year.

消费者心理学家卡罗尔·伯宁（Carol Berning）说，她最近从宝洁公司（Procter & Gamble）退休，该公司去年销售了760亿美元的汰渍（Tide）、高露洁（Crest）等产品，"我们的产品只有在成为日常或每周习惯的一部分时才能取得成功。"

“Creating positive habits is a huge part of improving our consumers’ lives, and it’s essential to making new products commercially viable.

创造积极的习惯是改善消费者生活的重要部分，也是使新产品具有商业可行性的关键。

Through experiments and observation, social scientists like Dr. Berning have learned that there is power in tying certain behaviors to habitual cues through ruthless advertising.

通过实验和观察，像伯宁博士这样的社会科学家了解到，通过无情的广告将某些行为与习惯性提示联系起来，具有强大的影响力。

As this new science of habit has emerged, controversies have erupted when the tactics have been used to sell questionable beauty creams or unhealthy foods.

随着习惯这一新科学的出现，当这些策略被用来推销有疑问的美容霜或不健康食品时，争议也随之爆发。

Many Americans regard the jury system as a concrete expression of crucial democratic values, including the principles that all citizens who meet minimal qualifications of age and literacy are equally competent to serve on juries; that jurors should be selected randomly from a representative cross section of the community; that no citizen should be denied the right to serve on a jury on account of race, religion, sex, or national origin; that defendants are entitled to trial by their peers; and that verdicts should represent the conscience of the community and not just the letter of the law.

许多美国人将陪审团制度视为关键民主价值观的具体体现，包括以下原则：所有符合年龄和读写能力最低要求的公民在担任陪审员方面都是同样胜任的；陪审员应从社区中具有代表性的各个群体中随机选出；不应因种族、宗教、性别或民族出身而剥夺任何公民担任陪审员的权利；被告有权接受同辈的审判；以及陪审团的裁决应体现社区的良知，而不仅仅是法律条文。

The jury is also said to be the best surviving example of direct rather than representative democracy.

陪审团制度也被认为是现存的最典型的直接民主而非代议制民主的例子。

In a direct democracy, citizens take turns governing themselves, rather than electing representatives to govern for them.

在直接民主中，公民轮流自己治理，而不是选举代表来代为治理。

But as recently as in 1968, jury selection procedures conflicted with these democratic ideals.

但早在1968年，陪审团的挑选程序就与这些民主理念相冲突。

In some states, for example, jury duty was limited to persons of supposedly superior intelligence, education, and moral character.

例如，在一些州，陪审团服务仅限于那些被认为智力、教育和道德品质较高的人。

Although the Supreme Court of the United States had prohibited intentional racial discrimination in jury selection as early as the 1880 case of Strauder v.

尽管早在1880年的斯特劳德诉西弗吉尼亚州案中，美国最高法院就已禁止在陪审团挑选中故意进行种族歧视。

West Virginia, the practice of selecting so-called elite or blue-ribbon juries provided a convenient way around this and other antidiscrimination laws.

但挑选所谓精英或蓝丝带陪审团的做法，却为绕过这一及其他反歧视法律提供了便利。

The system also failed to regularly include women on juries until the mid-20th century.

该制度直到20世纪中期才开始定期将女性纳入陪审团。

Although women first served on state juries in Utah in 1898, it was not until the 1940s that a majority of states made women eligible for jury duty.

尽管女性早在1898年就在犹他州的州陪审团中任职，但直到1940年代，大多数州才使女性有资格担任陪审员。

Even then several states automatically exempted women from jury duty unless they personally asked to have their names included on the jury list.

即使如此，一些州除非女性本人主动要求将名字列入陪审团名单，否则自动免除女性的陪审义务。

This practice was justified by the claim that women were needed at home, and it kept juries unrepresentative of women through the 1960s.

这种做法以女性在家需要照顾为由进行辩护，并且直到1960年代，陪审团仍然无法代表女性群体。

In 1968, the Congress of the United States passed the Jury Selection and Service Act, ushering in a new era of democratic reforms for the jury.

1968年，美国国会通过了《陪审团选拔和服务法》，开启了陪审团民主改革的新时代。

This law abolished special educational requirements for federal jurors and required them to be selected at random from a cross section of the entire community.

该法律废除了联邦陪审员的特殊教育要求，并规定必须从整个社区的各个层面随机选拔陪审员。

In the landmark 1975 decision Taylor v.

在具有里程碑意义的1975年泰勒诉路易斯安那州案中，最高法院将陪审团必须代表社区各个部分的要求扩展到了州一级。

Louisiana, the Supreme Court extended the requirement that juries be representative of all parts of the community to the state level.

路易斯安那州，最高法院将陪审团必须代表社区各个部分的要求扩展到了州一级。

The Taylor decision also declared sex discrimination in jury selection to be unconstitutional and ordered states to use the same procedures for selecting male and female jurors.

泰勒案的裁决还宣布，在陪审团选拔中存在性别歧视是违宪的，并命令各州在选拔男性和女性陪审员时使用相同的程序。

“Sustainability” has become a popular word these days, but to Ted Ning, the concept will always have personal meaning.

可持续性如今已成为一个流行词汇，但对泰德·宁而言，这一概念将永远具有个人意义。

Having endured a painful period of unsustainability in his own life made it clear to him that sustainability-oriented values must be expressed through everyday action and choice.

他亲身经历了一段痛苦的不可持续生活时期，使他清楚认识到可持续性导向的价值观必须通过日常行动和选择来体现。

Ning recalls spending a confusing year in the late 1990s selling insurance.

宁回忆起在1990年代末度过了一个令人困惑的年头，推销保险。

He’d been through the dot-com boom and burst and, desperate for a job, signed on with a Boulder agency.

他经历过互联网泡沫的兴盛与破裂，极度渴望找到工作，于是签约了一家博尔德的机构。

It didn’t go well.

进展不顺利。

“It was a really bad move because that’s not my passion,” says Ning, whose dilemma about the job translated, predictably, into a lack of sales.

这真是个糟糕的决定，因为这不是我的热情所在，Ning说，其关于这份工作的困境可预见地转化为销售不佳。

“I was miserable.

我感到非常痛苦。

I had so much anxiety that I would wake up in the middle of the night and stare at the ceiling.

我焦虑得在半夜惊醒，盯着天花板看。

I had no money and needed the job.

我没有钱和需要这份工作。

Everyone said, ‘Just wait, you’ll turn the corner, give it some time.

大家都说：‘再等等，你会转过弯来的，再给点时间。’