2018年全国硕士研究生入学统一考试英语(一)试题

Trust is a tricky business.

信任是一桩棘手的买卖。

On the one hand, it's a necessary condition 1 many worthwhile things: child care, friendships, etc. On the other hand, putting your 2 in the wrong place often carries a high 3 .

一方面，它是许多有价值事物的必要条件：育儿、友谊等。另一方面，将你的2放在错误的地方通常会带来很高的3。

4 why do we trust at all?

4 我们为何要信任 1 ？

Well, because it feels good 5 people place their trust in an individual or an institution, their brains release oxytocin, a hormone that 6 pleasurable feelings and triggers the herding instinct that prompts humans to 7 with one another.

因为这感觉很好，当人们将信任放在个人或机构上时，他们的大脑会释放催产素，这种激素会6愉悦感并触发促使人类7的从众本能。

Scientists have found that exposure 8 this hormone puts us in a trusting 9 : In a Swiss study, researchers sprayed oxytocin into the noses of half the subjects; those subjects were ready to lend significantly higher amounts of money to strangers than were their 10 who inhaled something else.

科学家发现接触8这种激素会使我们处于一种信任的9状态：在一项瑞士研究中，研究人员将催产素喷入一半受试者的鼻腔；这些受试者比他们的10更愿意向陌生人借出显著更多的钱。

11 for us, we also have a sixth sense for dishonesty that may 12 us.

11对我们来说，我们也有一种对不诚实的第六感，这可能会12我们。

A Canadian study found that children as young as 14 months can differentiate 13 a credible person and a dishonest one.

加拿大一项研究发现，年仅 14 个月的儿童就能区分 13 个可信的人和不诚实的人。

Sixty toddlers were each 14 to an adult tester holding a plastic container.

六十名幼儿各自14至一位手持塑料容器的成年测试者。

The tester would ask, "What's in here?

测试者会问：这里面有什么？

before looking into the container, smiling, and exclaiming, "Wow!

在查看容器、微笑并惊叹"哇！"之前

Each subject was then invited to look 15 .

每个受试者随后都被邀请查看第 15 题。

Half of them found a toy; the other half 16 the container was empty - and realized the tester had 17 them.

其中一半的人找到了玩具；另一半的人发现 16容器是空的——并意识到测试者 17了他们。

Among the children who had not been tricked, the majority were 18 to cooperate with the tester in learning a new skill, demonstrating that they trusted his leadership.

在那些没有被欺骗的儿童中，大多数都 18与测试者合作学习一项新技能，证明他们信任他的领导。

19 only five of the 30 children paired with the " 20 " tester participated in a follow-up activity.

19 只有 30 个与 “ 20 ” 测试者配对的儿童中的一部分参加了后续活动。

Among the annoying challenges facing the middle class is one that will probably go unmentioned in the next presidential campaign: What happens when the robots come for their jobs?

中产阶级面临的一个令人烦恼的挑战，很可能在下一次总统竞选中被忽视：当机器人抢走他们的工作时会发生什么？

Don't dismiss that possibility entirely.

不要完全忽视这种可能性。

About half of U.S. jobs are at high risk of being automated, according to a University of Oxford study, with the middle class disproportionately squeezed.

根据牛津大学的一项研究，大约一半的美国工作都有可能被自动化取代，而中产阶级则会受到不成比例的影响。

Lower-income jobs like gardening or day care don't appeal to robots.

像园艺或托儿这样的低收入工作对机器人来说并不具有吸引力。

But many middle-class occupations - trucking, financial advice, software engineering - have aroused their interest, or soon will.

但许多中产阶级的职业——如货运、财务建议、软件工程——已经引起了机器人的兴趣，或者很快就会引起它们的兴趣。

The rich own the robots, so they will be fine.

富人拥有机器人，所以他们不会有事。

This isn't to be alarmist.

这并不是危言耸听。

Optimists point out that technological upheaval has benefited workers in the past.

乐观主义者指出，过去的技术变革曾使工人受益。

The Industrial Revolution didn't go so well for Luddites whose jobs were displaced by mechanized looms, but it eventually raised living standards and created more jobs than it destroyed.

工业革命对卢德派分子来说并不顺利，因为他们的工作被机械化织布机取代了，但最终它提高了生活水平，并创造了比摧毁更多的工作。

Likewise, automation should eventually boost productivity, stimulate demand by driving down prices, and free workers from hard, boring work.

同样，自动化最终应该会提高生产率，通过压低价格刺激需求，并使工人摆脱繁重而无聊的工作。

But in the medium term, middle-class workers may need a lot of help adjusting.

但在中期内，中产阶级工人可能需要大量的帮助来适应变化。

The first step, as Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee argue in The Second Machine Age, should be rethinking education and job training.

正如埃里克·布林约尔松和安德鲁·麦卡菲在《第二次机器时代》中所主张的，第一步应该是重新思考教育和职业培训。

Curriculums - from grammar school to college - should evolve to focus less on memorizing facts and more on creativity and complex communication.

课程设置——从语法学校到大学——应该演变，减少对记忆事实的重视，而更加注重创造力和复杂沟通能力。

Vocational schools should do a better job of fostering problem-solving skills and helping students work alongside robots.

职业学校应该更好地培养解决问题的技能，并帮助学生与机器人协同工作。

Online education can supplement the traditional kind.

在线教育可以补充传统的教育形式。

It could make extra training and instruction affordable.

它可以让额外的培训和教学变得负担得起。

Professionals trying to acquire new skills will be able to do so without going into debt.

那些试图获取新技能的专业人士将能够在不陷入债务的情况下实现这一点。

The challenge of coping with automation underlines the need for the U.S. to revive its fading business dynamism: Starting new companies must be made easier.

应对自动化带来的挑战凸显了美国需要重振其逐渐衰退的商业活力：必须让创办新公司变得更加容易。

In previous eras of drastic technological change, entrepreneurs smoothed the transition by dreaming up ways to combine labor and machines.

在以前技术发生剧烈变革的时代，企业家通过设想将劳动力和机器结合的方法，缓解了转型过程中的冲击。

The best uses of 3D printers and virtual reality haven't been invented yet.

3D打印机和虚拟现实的最佳用途尚未被发明出来。

The U.S. needs the new companies that will invent them.

美国需要那些能够发明这些用途的新公司。

Finally, because automation threatens to widen the gap between capital income and labor income, taxes and the safety net will have to be rethought.

最后，由于自动化可能加剧资本收入与劳动收入之间的差距，税收和社会保障体系将不得不重新考虑。

Taxes on low-wage labor need to be cut, and wage subsidies such as the earned income tax credit should be expanded: This would boost incomes, encourage work, reward companies for job creation, and reduce inequality.

对低工资劳动力的税收需要削减，同时应扩大诸如已赚收入税抵免之类的工资补贴：这将提高收入，鼓励就业，奖励企业创造就业岗位，并减少不平等现象。

Technology will improve society in ways big and small over the next few years, yet this will be little comfort to those who find their lives and careers upended by automation.

在未来几年里，技术将以大大小小的方式改善社会，但对那些因自动化而生活和事业被颠覆的人来说，这几乎无法带来安慰。

Destroying the machines that are coming for our jobs would be nuts.

摧毁即将取代我们工作的机器是愚蠢的。

But policies to help workers adapt will be indispensable.

但帮助工人适应的政策将是不可或缺的。

A new survey by Harvard University finds more than two-thirds of young Americans disapprove of President Trump's use of Twitter.

哈佛大学的一项新调查显示，超过三分之二的美国年轻人不赞成特朗普总统使用推特的方式。

The implication is that Millennials prefer news from the White House to be filtered through other sources, not a president's social media platform.

这意味着千禧一代更倾向于通过其他渠道获取白宫的新闻，而不是总统的社交媒体平台。

Most Americans rely on social media to check daily headlines.

大多数美国人依靠社交媒体来查看每日新闻标题。

Yet as distrust has risen toward all media, people may be starting to beef up their media literacy skills.

然而，随着对所有媒体的不信任感上升，人们可能开始加强自身的媒体素养技能。

Such a trend is badly needed.

这种趋势非常必要。

During the 2016 presidential campaign, nearly a quarter of web content shared by Twitter users in the politically critical state of Michigan was fake news, according to the University of Oxford.

根据牛津大学的研究，在2016年总统竞选期间，密歇根州这一政治关键州的推特用户分享的网络内容中，近四分之一是假新闻。

And a survey conducted for BuzzFeed News found 44 percent of Facebook users rarely or never trust news from the media giant.

而一项为BuzzFeed新闻进行的调查显示，44%的Facebook用户很少或从不信任这家媒体巨头发布的新闻。

Young people who are digital natives are indeed becoming more skillful at separating fact from fiction in cyberspace.

作为数字原住民的年轻一代，确实在网络空间中越来越擅长区分事实与虚构。

A Knight Foundation focus-group survey of young people between ages 14 and 24 found they use "distributed trust" to verify stories.

骑士基金会对14至24岁年轻人进行的小组访谈调查显示，他们使用"分散信任"的方式来验证新闻的真实性。

They cross-check sources and prefer news from different perspectives - especially those that are open about any bias.

他们会交叉核对消息来源，并倾向于从不同角度获取新闻，尤其是那些坦率承认自身偏见的新闻来源。

"Many young people assume a great deal of personal responsibility for educating themselves and actively seeking out opposing viewpoints," the survey concluded.

该调查得出结论称，许多年轻人认为自己在教育自己方面承担了很大的个人责任，并积极寻找对立的观点。

Such active research can have another effect.

这种主动的调查行为还可能产生另一种影响。

A 2014 survey conducted in Australia, Britain, and the United States by the University of Wisconsin-Madison found that young people's reliance on social media led to greater political engagement.

2014年，威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校在澳大利亚、英国和美国进行的一项调查显示，年轻人对社交媒体的依赖导致了更大的政治参与度。

Social media allows users to experience news events more intimately and immediately while also permitting them to re-share news as a projection of their values and interests.

社交媒体让用户能够更亲密、更即时地体验新闻事件，同时也允许他们重新分享新闻，以展示自己的价值观和兴趣。

This forces users to be more conscious of their role in passing along information.

这迫使用户更加意识到自己在传播信息中的角色。

A survey by Barna research group found the top reason given by Americans for the fake news phenomenon is "reader error," more so than made-up stories or factual mistakes in reporting.

巴纳研究小组的一项调查显示，美国人对假新闻现象的首要原因是"读者错误"，比编造的故事或报道中的事实错误更为普遍。

About a third say the problem of fake news lies in "misinterpretation or exaggeration of actual news" via social media.

大约三分之一的人表示，假新闻的问题在于通过社交媒体对真实新闻的"误解或夸大"。

In other words, the choice to share news on social media may be the heart of the issue.

换句话说，是否在社交媒体上分享新闻可能是问题的核心。

"This indicates there is a real personal responsibility in counteracting this problem," says Roxanne Stone, editor in chief at Barna Group.

"这表明在应对这一问题上，确实存在真正的个人责任，"巴纳集团的主编罗克珊·斯通说。

So when young people are critical of an over-tweeting president, they reveal a mental discipline in thinking skills - and in their choices on when to share on social media.

因此，当年轻人对频繁推文的总统提出批评时，他们展示了在思维能力方面的一种心理自律——以及在何时通过社交媒体分享上的选择能力。

Any fair-minded assessment of the dangers of the deal between Britain's National Health Service (NHS) and DeepMind must start by acknowledging that both sides mean well.

任何对英国国家医疗服务体系（NHS）与DeepMind之间协议潜在风险的公正评估，都必须首先承认双方都是出于好意。

DeepMind is one of the leading artificial intelligence (AI) companies in the world.

DeepMind 是全球领先的人工智能（AI）公司之一。

The potential of this work applied to healthcare is very great, but it could also lead to further concentration of power in the tech giants.

将这项工作应用于医疗保健领域具有巨大潜力，但也可能导致科技巨头进一步集中权力。

It is against that background that the information commissioner, Elizabeth Denham, has issued her damning verdict against the Royal Free hospital trust under the NHS, which handed over to DeepMind the records of 1.6 million patients in 2015 on the basis of a vague agreement which took far too little account of the patients' rights and their expectations of privacy.

正是在这样的背景下，信息专员伊丽莎白·登纳姆（Elizabeth Denham）对 NHS 下属的皇家自由医院信托机构发布了严厉的裁决，该机构于 2015 年基于一份过于笼统的协议，将 160 万患者的记录交给了 DeepMind，而该协议对患者的权益及其隐私预期考虑得远远不够。

DeepMind has almost apologized.

DeepMind 已经几乎道歉了。

The NHS trust has mended its ways.

NHS 信托机构也已改正了错误做法。

Further arrangements - and there may be many - between the NHS and DeepMind will be carefully scrutinised to ensure that all necessary permissions have been asked of patients and all unnecessary data has been cleaned.

NHS 与 DeepMind 之间的进一步协议——可能还有许多——将受到仔细审查，以确保已向患者征求了所有必要的许可，并清理了所有不必要的数据。

There are lessons about informed patient consent to learn.

关于知情患者同意方面还有许多需要学习的教训。

But privacy is not the only angle in this case and not even the most important.

但在这个案例中，隐私并不是唯一的角度，甚至也不是最重要的角度。

Ms Denham chose to concentrate the blame on the NHS trust, since under existing law it "controlled" the data and DeepMind merely "processed" it.

Denham女士选择将责任集中于NHS信托机构，因为根据现行法律，它是数据的"控制者"，而DeepMind仅仅是数据的"处理者"。

But this distinction misses the point that it is processing and aggregation, not the mere possession of bits, that gives the data value.

但这种区分忽略了关键点，即数据的价值来自于处理和汇总，而非仅仅是拥有这些数据片段。

The great question is who should benefit from the analysis of all the data that our lives now generate.

最大的问题是，现在我们生活中产生的所有数据的分析，应该让谁受益。

Privacy law builds on the concept of damage to an individual from identifiable knowledge about them.

隐私法建立在个人因可被识别的信息而受到损害这一概念之上。

That misses the way the surveillance economy works.

但这忽略了监控经济的运作方式。

The data of an individual there gains its value only when it is compared with the data of countless millions more.

在监控经济中，个人数据的价值只有在与数以亿计的其他人的数据进行比较时才能体现出来。

The use of privacy law to curb the tech giants in this instance feels slightly maladapted.

在这种情况下，用隐私法来制约科技巨头似乎有些不太恰当。

This practice does not address the real worry.

这种做法并没有解决真正的担忧。

It is not enough to say that the algorithms DeepMind develops will benefit patients and save lives.

仅仅说DeepMind开发的算法将造福患者并挽救生命是不够的。

What matters is that they will belong to a private monopoly which developed them using public resources.

重要的是，这些算法将属于一个私人垄断企业，而该企业正是利用公共资源开发了它们。

If software promises to save lives on the scale that drugs now can, big data may be expected to behave as a big pharma has done.

如果软件能够像现在的药物一样大规模挽救生命，那么大数据可能会被期待像大型制药公司那样行事。

We are still at the beginning of this revolution and small choices now may turn out to have gigantic consequences later.

我们仍处于这场革命的初期，现在做出的小选择将来可能会产生巨大的影响。

A long struggle will be needed to avoid a future of digital feudalism.

为了避免未来出现数字封建主义，需要进行一场长期的斗争。

Ms Denham's report is a welcome start.

Denham女士的报告是一个受欢迎的开端。

The U.S. Postal Service (USPS) continues to bleed red ink.

美国邮政服务（USPS）继续亏损。

It reported a net loss of $5.6 billion for fiscal 2016, the 10th straight year its expenses have exceeded revenue.

它报告称2016财年净亏损56亿美元，这是其费用连续第十年超过收入的年份。

Meanwhile, it has more than $120 billion in unfunded liabilities, mostly for employee health and retirement costs.

同时，它还有超过1200亿美元的未偿负债务，主要来自员工的医疗和退休成本。

There are many reasons this formerly stable federal institution finds itself at the brink of bankruptcy.

有许多原因导致这个曾经稳定的联邦机构如今濒临破产边缘。

Fundamentally, the USPS is in a historic squeeze between technological change that has permanently decreased demand for its bread-and-butter product, first-class mail, and a regulatory structure that denies management the flexibility to adjust its operations to the new reality.

从根本上说，美国邮政服务局正处于历史性的困境之中，一方面是技术变革永久性地减少了其核心产品——一等邮件的需求，另一方面是监管结构剥夺了管理层根据新现实调整运营的灵活性。

And interest groups ranging from postal unions to greeting-card makers exert self-interested pressure on the USPS's ultimate overseer - Congress - insisting that whatever else happens to the Postal Service, aspects of the status quo they depend on get protected.

从邮政工会到贺卡制造商的各种利益集团，都对美国邮政服务局的最终监管者——国会——施加着出于自身利益的压力，坚持要求无论邮政服务发生什么变化，他们所依赖的现状某些方面必须得到保护。

This is why repeated attempts at reform legislation have failed in recent years, leaving the Postal Service unable to pay its bills except by deferring vital modernization.

这就是为什么近年来多次改革立法尝试都失败了，导致邮政服务只能通过推迟关键的现代化进程来支付账单。

Now comes word that everyone involved - Democrats, Republicans, the Postal Service, the unions and the system's heaviest users - has finally agreed on a plan to fix the system.

现在有消息称，所有相关方——民主党人、共和党人、邮政服务局、工会以及该系统的最大用户——终于达成了一项修复该系统的计划。

Legislation is moving through the House that would save USPS an estimated $28.6 billion over five years, which could help pay for new vehicles, among other survival measures.

一项正在众议院推进的立法预计将在五年内为美国邮政服务局节省286亿美元，这有助于支付新车辆等其他生存措施的费用。

Most of the money would come from a penny-per-letter permanent rate increase and from shifting postal retirees into Medicare.

大部分资金将来自每封信件增加一美分的永久性费率上调，以及将邮政退休人员纳入医疗保险体系。

The latter step would largely offset the financial burden of annually pre-funding retiree health care, thus addressing a long-standing complaint by the USPS and its unions.

后一步措施将在很大程度上抵消每年提前为退休人员医疗保健筹资所带来的财政负担，从而解决美国邮政服务（USPS）及其工会长期以来的抱怨。

If it clears the House, this measure would still have to get through the Senate - where someone is bound to point out that it amounts to the bare, bare minimum necessary to keep the Postal Service afloat, not comprehensive reform.

如果该法案在众议院通过，仍需在参议院获得批准——在那里，肯定有人会指出，这仅仅是为了维持邮政服务正常运转所必需的最低限度措施，而非全面改革。

There's no change to collective bargaining at the USPS, a major omission considering that personnel accounts for 80 percent of the agency's costs.

该法案没有涉及美国邮政服务的集体谈判，这在很大程度上是一个遗漏，因为人员成本占该机构总成本的80%。

Also missing is any discussion of eliminating Saturday letter delivery.

此外，法案中也没有讨论取消周六信件投递的问题。

That common-sense change enjoys wide public support and would save the USPS $2 billion per year.

这一常识性的改变得到了公众的广泛支持，每年可为美国邮政服务节省20亿美元。

But postal special-interest groups seem to have killed it, at least in the House.

但邮政特殊利益集团似乎已经将其扼杀，至少在众议院是这样。

The emerging consensus around the bill is a sign that legislators are getting frightened about a politically embarrassing short-term collapse at the USPS.

该法案逐渐形成的共识表明，立法者们对美国邮政服务短期内出现政治上尴尬的崩溃感到担忧。

It is not, however, a sign that they're getting serious about transforming the postal system for the 21st century.

然而，这并不是一个迹象，表明他们正认真致力于为21世纪改造邮政系统。