2012年全国硕士研究生入学统一考试英语(一)试题

The ethical judgments of the Supreme Court justices have become an important issue recently.

最高法院法官的道德判断最近已成为一个重要议题。

The court cannot 1 its legitimacy as guardian of the rule of law 2 justices behave like politicians.

法院不能 1 其合法性作为法治的守护者 2 法官们像政治家一样行事。

Yet, in several instances, justices acted in ways that 3 the court's reputation for being independent and impartial.

然而，在一些情况下，法官们采取了3法院独立和公正声誉的行为。

Justice Antonin Scalia, for example, appeared at political events.

例如，大法官Antonin Scalia出席了政治活动。

That kind of activity makes it less likely that the court's decisions will be 4 as impartial judgments.

那种活动使得法院的裁决不太可能被 4 视为公正的判决。

Part of the problem is that the justices are not 5 by an ethics code.

问题的一部分在于法官们并未受到道德准则的约束。

At the very least, the court should make itself 6 to the code of conduct that 7 to the rest of the federal judiciary.

至少，法院应使自己6其行为准则，该准则7联邦司法系统的其他部分。

This and other similar cases 8 the question of whether there is still a 9 between the court and politics.

这和其他类似案例8是否还存在9法院与政治之间的问题。

The framers of the Constitution envisioned law 10 having authority apart from politics.

宪法的制定者设想法律10拥有独立于政治之外的权威。

They gave justices permanent positions 11 they would be free to 12 those in power and have no need to 13 political support.

他们给予法官永久职位 11 他们就可以自由地 12 当权者，而无需 13 政治支持。

Our legal system was designed to set law apart from politics precisely because they are so closely 14 .

我们的法律体系被设计成让法律与政治分离开来，正是由于它们之间如此紧密地14。

Constitutional law is political because it results from choices rooted in fundamental social 15 like liberty and property.

宪法法律具有政治性，因为它源于根植于基本社会15如自由和财产的选择。

When the court deals with social policy decisions, the law it 16 is inescapably political - which is why decisions split along ideological lines are so easily 17 as unjust.

当法院处理社会政策决策时，法院所制定的法律16不可避免地具有政治性 - 这就是为什么沿意识形态路线分裂的决策被17视为不公正。

The justices must 18 doubts about the court's legitimacy by making themselves 19 to the code of conduct.

法官们必须通过使自己 19 遵守行为准则来消除 18 对法院合法性的疑虑。

That would make rulings more likely to be seen as separate from politics and, 20 , convincing as law.

这将使裁决更可能被视为与政治无关，并20，作为法律具有说服力。

Come on - Everybody's doing it.

来吧——大家都在这么做。

That whispered message, half invitation and half forcing, is what most of us think of when we hear the words peer pressure.

那种低声细语的信息，一半是邀请，一半是强迫，就是我们大多数人听到‘同伴压力’这个词时所想到的内容。

It usually leads to no good - drinking, drugs and casual sex.

它通常不会带来什么好处——比如饮酒、吸毒和随意性行为。

But in her new book Join the Club, Tina Rosenberg contends that peer pressure can also be a positive force through what she calls the social cure, in which organizations and officials use the power of group dynamics to help individuals improve their lives and possibly the world.

但在她新书《加入俱乐部》中，蒂娜·罗斯伯格认为，同伴压力也可以通过她称之为‘社会疗法’的方式成为一种积极的力量，即组织和官员利用群体动力的力量，帮助个人改善生活，甚至可能改变世界。

Rosenberg, the recipient of a Pulitzer Prize, offers a host of examples of the social cure in action: In South Carolina, a state-sponsored antismoking program called Rage Against the Haze sets out to make cigarettes uncool.

罗斯伯格是普利策奖的获得者，她提供了大量‘社会疗法’实际运作的例子：在南卡罗来纳州，一个由州政府支持的反吸烟计划名为‘怒对烟雾’，旨在让吸烟变得不再酷。

In South Africa, an HIV-prevention initiative known as loveLife recruits young people to promote safe sex among their peers.

在南非，一个名为loveLife的艾滋病预防计划招募年轻人在同龄人中推广安全性行为。

The idea seems promising, and Rosenberg is a perceptive observer.

这个想法看起来很有前景，而罗斯伯格也是一位敏锐的观察者。

Her critique of the lameness of many public-health campaigns is spot-on: they fail to mobilize peer pressure for healthy habits, and they demonstrate a seriously flawed understanding of psychology.

她对许多公共卫生运动缺乏力度的批评非常准确：它们未能利用同伴压力来促进健康习惯，而且显示出对心理学存在严重错误的理解。

"Dare to be different, please don't smoke!

敢于与众不同，请不要吸烟！

pleads one billboard campaign aimed at reducing smoking among teenagers - teenagers, who desire nothing more than fitting in.

呼吁减少青少年吸烟的广告牌宣传活动——青少年最渴望的莫过于融入群体。

Rosenberg argues convincingly that public-health advocates ought to take a page from advertisers, so skilled at applying peer pressure.

罗斯伯格有力地论证了公共卫生倡导者应该借鉴广告商的做法，因为广告商在运用同辈压力方面非常擅长。

But on the general effectiveness of the social cure, Rosenberg is less persuasive.

但在社会疗法总体效果方面，罗斯伯格的说服力就较弱了。

Join the Club is filled with too much irrelevant detail and not enough exploration of the social and biological factors that make peer pressure so powerful.

《加入俱乐部》一书充满了太多无关紧要的细节，而对使同辈压力如此强大的社会和生物因素探讨不足。

The most glaring flaw of the social cure as it's presented here is that it doesn't work very well for very long.

这里所呈现的社会疗法最明显的缺陷是，它并不能长期有效地发挥作用。

Rage Against the Haze failed once state funding was cut.

一旦州政府的资金被削减，《对抗雾霾的愤怒》项目就失败了。

Evidence that the loveLife program produces lasting changes is limited and mixed.

有关loveLife项目能产生持久改变的证据是有限且不一致的。

There's no doubt that our peer groups exert enormous influence on our behavior.

毫无疑问，我们的同辈群体对我们的行为有着巨大的影响。

An emerging body of research shows that positive health habits - as well as negative ones - spread through networks of friends via social communication.

一项新兴的研究表明，积极的健康习惯——以及消极的习惯——都会通过朋友之间的社交沟通在社交网络中传播。

This is a subtle form of peer pressure: we unconsciously imitate the behavior we see every day.

这是一种微妙的同辈压力：我们无意识地模仿每天看到的行为。

Far less certain, however, is how successfully experts and bureaucrats can select our peer groups and steer their activities in virtuous directions.

然而，专家和官僚们能否成功地为我们选择同辈群体，并引导他们的活动朝着积极的方向发展，这一点远不那么确定。

It's like the teacher who breaks up the troublemakers in the back row by pairing them with better-behaved classmates.

这就像老师把后排的捣蛋学生和表现更好的同学配对，以分散他们的注意力。

The tactic never really works.

这种策略从未真正奏效过。

And that's the problem with a social cure engineered from the outside: in the real world, as in school, we insist on choosing our own friends.

而这就是从外部设计的社会疗法的问题：在现实世界中，就像在学校一样，我们坚持要自己选择朋友。

A deal is a deal - except, apparently, when Entergy is involved.

协议就是协议——除非，显然，涉及的是Entergy公司。

The company, a major energy supplier in New England, provoked justified outrage in Vermont last week when it announced it was reneging on a longstanding commitment to abide by the state's strict nuclear regulations.

这家新英格兰地区的主要能源供应商上周在佛蒙特州宣布，将撤销其长期以来承诺遵守该州严格核能法规的决定，此举引发了合理的愤怒。

Instead, the company has done precisely what it had long promised it would not: challenge the constitutionality of Vermont's rules in the federal court, as part of a desperate effort to keep its Vermont Yankee nuclear power plant running.

相反，该公司做了它曾长期承诺不会做的事：在联邦法院挑战佛蒙特州法规的合宪性，作为一项绝望努力，以继续运营其佛蒙特扬基核电站。

It's a stunning move.

这是一项令人震惊的举措。

The conflict has been surfacing since 2002, when the corporation bought Vermont's only nuclear power plant, an aging reactor in Vernon.

自2002年起，这场冲突就逐渐显现，当时这家企业收购了佛蒙特州唯一的核电站——位于弗农市的一座老旧反应堆。

As a condition of receiving state approval for the sale, the company agreed to seek permission from state regulators to operate past 2012.

作为获得州政府批准这项交易的条件，该公司同意向州监管机构申请许可，以继续在2012年后运营。

In 2006, the state went a step further, requiring that any extension of the plant's license be subject to the Vermont legislature's approval.

2006年，州政府更进一步，要求任何延长该核电站执照的申请都必须经过佛蒙特州立法机构的批准。

Then, too, the company went along.

当时，该公司也同意了这一要求。

Either Entergy never really intended to live by those commitments, or it simply didn't foresee what would happen next.

要么是Entergy公司从未真正打算遵守这些承诺，要么是它根本没有预见到接下来会发生的事情。

A string of accidents, including the partial collapse of a cooling tower in 2007 and the discovery of an underground pipe system leakage, raised serious questions about both Vermont Yankee's safety and Entergy's management - especially after the company made misleading statements about the pipe.

一系列事故，包括2007年冷却塔部分坍塌以及发现地下管道系统泄漏，引发了对佛蒙特扬基核电站安全性和Entergy公司管理能力的严重质疑——尤其是在公司对管道问题发表了误导性声明之后。

Enraged by Entergy's behavior, the Vermont Senate voted 26 to 4 last year against allowing an extension.

由于对Entergy公司的行为感到愤怒，佛蒙特州参议院去年以26票对4票的投票结果，拒绝允许延长其运营许可。

Now the company is suddenly claiming that the 2002 agreement is invalid because of the 2006 legislation, and that only the federal government has regulatory power over nuclear issues.

现在，该公司突然声称，由于2006年的立法，2002年的协议无效，并且只有联邦政府对核能问题拥有监管权力。

The legal issues in the case are obscure: whereas the Supreme Court has ruled that states do have some regulatory authority over nuclear power, legal scholars say that Vermont case will offer a precedent-setting test of how far those powers extend.

本案中的法律问题尚不明确：虽然最高法院裁定各州确实对核能拥有一些监管权，但法律学者表示，佛蒙特州的案件将提供一个具有开创意义的测试，以确定这些权力能延伸到何种程度。

Certainly, there are valid concerns about the patchwork regulations that could result if every state sets its own rules.

当然，如果每个州都自行制定规则，可能会导致监管碎片化，这确实存在合理的担忧。

But had Entergy kept its word, that debate would be beside the point.

但若恩特格里公司信守承诺，这场争论就无关紧要了。

The company seems to have concluded that its reputation in Vermont is already so damaged that it has nothing left to lose by going to war with the state.

该公司似乎得出结论，认为其在佛蒙特州的声誉已经严重受损，与该州对抗已无所损失。

But there should be consequences.

但这样做应当承担后果。

Permission to run a nuclear plant is a public trust.

获得运行核电厂的许可是一种公共信托。

Entergy runs 11 other reactors in the United States, including Pilgrim Nuclear station in Plymouth.

恩特格里公司在美国内其他地区还运营着11座反应堆，包括普利茅斯的皮尔格林核电站。

Pledging to run Pilgrim safely, the company has applied for federal permission to keep it open for another 20 years.

承诺安全运行普利茅斯核电站，该公司已申请联邦政府许可，再运营20年。

But as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) reviews the company's application, it should keep in mind what promises from Entergy are worth.

但随着核管理委员会（NRC）审查该公司的申请，它应记住Entergy公司的哪些承诺是值得信赖的。

In the idealized version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed and collected by objective researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work.

在理想化的科学运作方式中，关于世界的事实正等待着客观的研究者通过科学方法去观察和收集。

But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous and complicated route.

但在科学的日常实践中，发现过程往往遵循一条模糊而复杂的路径。

We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context of our unique life experiences.

我们力求客观，但无法摆脱我们独特人生经历所构成的背景。

Prior knowledge and interests influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent actions we take.

先前的知识和兴趣会影响我们的体验、我们对体验的理解，以及我们随后采取的行动。

Opportunities for misinterpretation, error, and self-deception abound.

误解、错误和自我欺骗的机会比比皆是。

Consequently, discovery claims should be thought of as protoscience.

因此，发现性主张应被视为前科学。

Similar to newly staked mining claims, they are full of potential.

类似于新设立的采矿权，它们充满潜力。

But it takes collective scrutiny and acceptance to transform a discovery claim into a mature discovery.

但要将一个发现声明转化为成熟的发现，需要整个共同体的审查和认可。

This is the credibility process, through which the individual researcher's me, here, now becomes the community's anyone, anywhere, anytime.

这就是可信度过程，通过这个过程，个体研究者的‘我’、‘这里’、‘此刻’变成了共同体的‘任何人’、‘任何地方’、‘任何时间’。

Objective knowledge is the goal, not the starting point.

客观知识是目标，而不是起点。

Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual credit.

一旦一个发现声明公开，发现者就会获得智力上的认可。

But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next.

但与采矿权不同的是，共同体将掌控接下来的发展。

Within the complex social structure of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication process; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying technology.

在科学共同体复杂的社交结构中，研究人员做出发现；编辑和审稿人通过控制出版过程充当守门人；其他科学家则可能利用这一新发现来实现他们自己的目的；最后，公众（包括其他科学家）接受这一新发现，以及可能伴随的新技术。

As a discovery claim works its way through the community, the interaction and confrontation between shared and competing beliefs about the science and the technology involved transforms an individual's discovery claim into the community's credible discovery.

当一个发现声明在共同体中传播时，关于相关科学和技术的共享信念与竞争性信念之间的互动和冲突，将个体的发现声明转化为共同体认可的可信发现。

Two paradoxes exist throughout this credibility process.

在整个可信度评估过程中，存在两个悖论。

First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing knowledge that is viewed as incomplete or incorrect.

首先，科学工作往往关注现有知识中被认为不完整或错误的某个方面。

Little reward accompanies duplication and confirmation of what is already known and believed.

重复和确认已知和已被接受的内容几乎得不到任何回报。

The goal is new-search, not re-search.

目标是探索新知，而非重复研究。

Not surprisingly, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing will always be open to challenge and potential modification or refutation by future researchers.

不出所料，新发表的发现性主张以及看似重要且有说服力的可信发现，总会受到未来研究者的质疑，并可能被修正或推翻。

Second, novelty itself frequently provokes disbelief.

其次，新颖性本身常常引发怀疑。

Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Szent-Gyorgyi once described discovery as "seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought.

诺贝尔奖得主、生理学家阿尔伯特·森特-哲尔吉曾将发现描述为“看到别人看到的东西，却思考别人未曾思考的问题”。

But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views.

但思考别人未曾思考的问题，并告诉他人他们忽略了什么，可能并不会改变他们的看法。

Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated.

有时需要数年时间，真正新颖的发现性主张才能被接受和认可。

In the end, credibility "happens" to a discovery claim - a process that corresponds to what philosopher Annette Baier has described as the commons of the mind.

最终，一个发现性主张会"获得"可信度——这一过程对应哲学家安妮特·拜尔所描述的"心灵的公共领域"。

"We reason together, challenge, revise, and complete each other's reasoning and each other's conceptions of reason.

我们共同推理，挑战、修正并完善彼此的推理和对理性的理解。

If the trade unionist Jimmy Hoffa were alive today, he would probably represent civil servants.

如果劳工领袖吉米·霍法今天还活着，他很可能代表公务员。

When Hoffa's Teamsters were in their prime in 1960, only one in ten American government workers belonged to a union; now 36% do.

当霍法的国际卡车司机工会在1960年达到鼎盛时期时，只有十分之一的美国政府工作人员加入了工会；如今，这一比例已达到36%。

In 2009 the number of unionists in America's public sector passed that of their fellow members in the private sector.

2009年，美国公共部门的工会成员人数超过了私人部门的工会成员人数。

In Britain, more than half of public-sector workers but only about 15% of private-sector ones are unionized.

在英国，超过一半的公共部门工作人员加入了工会，而私人部门中只有大约15%的人加入了工会。

There are three reasons for the public-sector unions' thriving.

公共部门工会之所以蓬勃发展，有三个原因。

First, they can shut things down without suffering much in the way of consequences.

首先，他们可以关闭某些事物而不会承受太多后果。

Second, they are mostly bright and well-educated.

其次，他们大多聪明且受过良好教育。

A quarter of America's public-sector workers have a university degree.

美国四分之一的公共部门工作人员拥有大学学位。

Third, they now dominate left-of-centre politics.

第三，他们现在主导了左翼政治。

Some of their ties go back a long way.

他们的一些关系可以追溯到很久以前。

Britain's Labor Party, as its name implies, has long been associated with trade unionism.

英国工党，正如其名称所暗示的，长期以来与工会主义有着密切关联。

Its current leader, Ed Miliband, owes his position to votes from public-sector unions.

其现任领袖埃德·米利班德的职位得益于公共部门工会的投票支持。

At the state level their influence can be even more fearsome.

在州一级，他们的影响力可能更加令人畏惧。

Mark Baldassare of the Public Policy Institute of California points out that much of the state's budget is patrolled by unions.

加利福尼亚公共政策研究所的马克·巴尔达萨雷指出，该州的大部分预算都受到工会的监督。

The teachers' unions keep an eye on schools, the CCPOA on prisons and a variety of labor groups on health care.

教师工会关注学校，CCPOA关注监狱，各种劳工组织则关注医疗保健。

In many rich countries average wages in the state sector are higher than in the private one.

在许多富裕国家，公共部门的平均工资高于私营部门。

But the real gains come in benefits and work practices.

但真正的收益体现在福利和工作制度上。

Politicians have repeatedly "backloaded" public-sector pay deals, keeping the pay increases modest but adding to holidays and especially pensions that are already generous.

政客们多次对公共部门的薪酬协议进行"后置加码"，保持薪资增长适度，但增加了假期和尤其是已经相当优厚的养老金。

Reform has been vigorously opposed, perhaps most notoriously in education, where charter schools, academies and merit pay all faced drawn-out battles.

改革一直遭到强烈反对，尤其是在教育领域最为明显，特许学校、学院和绩效工资都曾面临旷日持久的斗争。

Even though there is plenty of evidence that the quality of the teachers is the most important variable, teachers' unions have fought against getting rid of bad ones and promoting good ones.

尽管有大量证据表明教师素质是最重要的变量，但教师工会却反对淘汰不合格的教师和提升优秀教师。

As the cost to everyone else has become clearer, politicians have begun to clamp down.

随着对其他人成本的了解逐渐清晰，政客们开始采取严厉措施。

In Wisconsin the unions have rallied thousands of supporters against Scott Walker, the hardline Republican governor.

在威斯康星州，工会已经动员了数千名支持者反对强硬派共和党州长斯科特·沃克。

But many within the public sector suffer under the current system, too.

但许多公共部门的员工在现行体系下也承受着痛苦。

John Donahue at Harvard's Kennedy School points out that the norms of culture in Western civil services suit those who want to stay put but is bad for high achievers.

哈佛大学肯尼迪学院的约翰·多纳胡指出，西方文官体系中的文化规范适合那些只想安稳待在岗位上的人，但对于高成就者来说却是个问题。

The only American public-sector workers who earn well above $250,000 a year are university sports coaches and the president of the United States.

唯一年薪超过25万美元的美国公共部门员工是大学体育教练和美国总统。

Bankers' fat pay packets have attracted much criticism, but a public-sector system that does not reward high achievers may be a much bigger problem for America.

银行家们丰厚的薪酬包已经引起了大量批评，但一个不奖励高成就者的公共部门体系可能对美国来说是一个更大的问题。