2011年全国硕士研究生招生考试英语（二）试题

The Internet affords anonymity to its users, a blessing to privacy and freedom of speech.

互联网赋予其用户匿名性，这对隐私和言论自由是一种益处。

But that very anonymity is also behind the explosion of cyber-crime that has 1 across the Web.

但正是这种匿名性也是网络犯罪激增背后的原因，这1在互联网上发生。

Can privacy be preserved 2 bringing safety and security to a world that seems increasingly 3?

在似乎日益[3]的世界中，隐私能否在[2]带来安全与保障的同时得以保留？

Last month, Howard Schmidt, the nation’s cyber-czar, offered the federal government a 4 to make the Web a safer place – a “voluntary trusted identity” system that would be the high-tech 5 of a physical key, a fingerprint and a photo ID card, all rolled 6 one.

上个月，国家网络事务协调员霍华德·施密特向联邦政府提出了一个4，以使网络环境更安全——一种自愿可信身份系统，这将是实体钥匙、指纹和照片身份证的高科技5，所有这些功能都整合在6。

The system might use a smart identity card, or a digital credential 7 to a specific computer, and would authenticate users at a range of online services.

该系统可能使用智能身份卡，或用于特定计算机的数字凭证7，并将在多种在线服务中认证用户。

The idea is to 8 a federation of private online identity systems.

这个想法是要建立一个 8 私人在线身份系统的联盟。

Users could 9 which system to join, and only registered users whose identities have been authenticated could navigate those systems.

用户可9选择加入哪个系统，只有已注册且身份已通过验证的用户才能使用这些系统。

The approach contrasts with one that would require an Internet driver’s license 10 by the government.

这种方法与需要由政府发放的网络驾照10形成对比。

Google and Microsoft are among companies that already have these “single sign-on” systems that make it possible for users to 11 just once but use many different services.

谷歌和微软是已经拥有这些“单点登录”系统的公司之一，这些系统使用户只需11一次登录即可使用多种不同的服务。

12 , the approach would create a “walled garden” in cyberspace, with safe “neighborhoods” and bright “streetlights” to establish a sense of a 13 community.

12 ，这种方法将在网络空间中创建一个“封闭花园”，有安全的“社区”和明亮的“路灯”来建立一种 13共同体的感觉。

Mr. Schmidt described it as a “voluntary ecosystem” in which “individuals and organizations can complete online transactions with 14, trusting the identities of each other and the identities of the infrastructure 15 which the transaction runs.

施密特先生将其描述为一种“自愿生态系统”，在其中“个人和组织可以完成在线交易14，信任彼此的身份以及交易所运行的基础设施15的身份”。

Still, the administration’s plan has 16 privacy rights activists.

然而，政府的计划仍遭到 16 位隐私权活动人士的反对。

Some applaud the approach; others are concerned.

一些人赞扬这种方法；另一些人则表示担忧。

It seems clear that such a scheme is an initiative push toward what would 17 be a compulsory Internet “driver’s license” mentality.

显然，这样的计划是一个主动推动，朝着会成为强制性互联网“驾照”心态的方向。

The plan has also been greeted with 18 by some computer security experts, who worry that the “voluntary ecosystem” envisioned by Mr. Schmidt would still leave much of the Internet 19.

该计划也受到了一些计算机安全专家的第 18 个欢迎，他们担心施密特先生设想的“自愿生态系统”仍会留下互联网的第 19 个部分。

They argue that all Internet users should be 20 to register and identify themselves, in the same way that drivers must be licensed to drive on public roads.

他们认为所有互联网用户都应年满20岁才能注册并实名认证，就像驾驶员必须持有驾照才能在公共道路上驾驶一样。

Ruth Simmons joined Goldman Sachs’s board as an outside director in January 2000; a year later she became president of Brown University.

露丝·西蒙斯于2000年1月以独立董事的身份加入高盛董事会；一年后，她成为布朗大学的校长。

For the rest of the decade she apparently managed both roles without attracting much criticism.

在接下来的十年里，她似乎成功地兼顾了这两个角色，而没有引起太多批评。

But by the end of 2009 Ms. Simmons was under fire for having sat on Goldman’s compensation committee; how could she have let those enormous bonus payouts pass unremarked?

但到2009年底，西蒙斯女士因曾担任高盛薪酬委员会成员而遭到抨击；她怎么能眼睁睁看着那些巨额奖金的发放而毫无异议？

By February the next year Ms. Simmons had left the board.

到次年2月，西蒙斯女士已经离开了董事会。

The position was just taking up too much time, she said.

她说，这个职位只是占用的时间太多。

Outside directors are supposed to serve as helpful, yet less biased, advisers on a firm’s board.

外部董事应当作为公司董事会中 helpful、 yet less biased 的顾问提供帮助。

Having made their wealth and their reputations elsewhere, they presumably have enough independence to disagree with the chief executive’s proposals.

由于他们的财富和声誉是在其他地方建立的，因此他们 presumably 具备足够的独立性来反对首席执行官的提案。

If the sky, and the share price is falling, outside directors should be able to give advice based on having weathered their own crises.

如果天空和股价都在下跌，外部董事应该能够基于他们自己经历过危机的经验给出建议。

The researchers from Ohio University used a database that covered more than 10,000 firms and more than 64,000 different directors between 1989 and 2004.

来自俄亥俄大学的研究人员使用了一个涵盖 1989 年至 2004 年间超过 10,000 家公司和超过 64,000 名不同董事的数据库。

Then they simply checked which directors stayed from one proxy statement to the next.

然后他们 simply 检查了哪些董事从一份代理声明到下一份代理声明一直留任。

The most likely reason for departing a board was age, so the researchers concentrated on those “surprise” disappearances by directors under the age of 70.

董事离开董事会的最可能原因是因为年龄，因此研究人员集中关注了那些 70 岁以下董事的“意外”消失情况。

They found that after a surprise departure, the probability that the company will subsequently have to restate earnings increases by nearly 20%.

他们发现，在发生意外离职后，公司随后需要重新陈述收益的概率 nearly 增加了 20%。

The likelihood of being named in a federal class-action lawsuit also increases, and the stock is likely to perform worse.

被列为联邦集体诉讼的 likelihood 也增加了，而且股票的表现 likely 会更差。

The effect tended to be larger for larger firms.

这种效应在大公司中往往更为明显。

Although a correlation between them leaving and subsequent bad performance at the firm is suggestive, it does not mean that such directors are always jumping off a sinking ship.

尽管它们离职与公司随后出现的不良表现之间存在相关性，但这并不意味着这些董事总是急于逃离即将沉没的船只。

Often they “trade up,” leaving riskier, smaller firms for larger and more stable firms.

他们常常是“向上跳槽”，从风险更大、规模更小的公司转去更大的、更稳定的公司。

But the researchers believe that outside directors have an easier time of avoiding a blow to their reputations if they leave a firm before bad news breaks, even if a review of history shows they were on the board at the time any wrongdoing occurred.

但研究人员认为，如果外部董事在坏消息公布之前就离开公司，即使历史记录显示他们在任何不当行为发生时曾担任董事会成员，他们也更容易避免对其声誉的打击。

Firms who want to keep their outside directors through tough times may have to create incentives.

想要在困难时期留住外部董事的公司可能不得不创造一些激励措施。

Otherwise outside directors will follow the example of Ms. Simmons, once again very popular on campus.

否则，外部董事将再次效仿西蒙斯女士，重新成为校园里非常受欢迎的人物。

Whatever happened to the death of newspapers?

报纸的消亡又去哪儿了？

A year ago the end seemed near.

一年前，它们的终结似乎已经迫在眉睫。

The recession threatened to remove the advertising and readers that had not already fled to the internet.

经济衰退威胁要带走那些尚未转向互联网的广告和读者。

Newspapers like the San Francisco Chronicle were chronicling their own doom.

像《旧金山纪事报》这样的报纸正在记录着自身的衰亡。

America’s Federal Trade Commission launched a round of talks about how to save newspapers.

美国联邦贸易委员会发起了一系列关于如何拯救报纸的讨论。

Should they become charitable corporations?

它们应该成为慈善性公司吗？

Should the state subsidize them?

政府应该补贴它们吗？

It will hold another meeting soon.

它不久将再次召开会议。

But the discussions now seem out of date.

但现在这些讨论似乎已经过时了。

In much of the world there is little sign of crisis.

在世界大部分地区，危机的迹象微乎其微。

German and Brazilian papers have shrugged off the recession.

德国和巴西的报纸已经对经济衰退表示了漠然态度。

Even American newspapers, which inhabit the most troubled corner of the global industry, have not only survived but often returned to profit.

就连身处全球报业最困难领域的美国报纸，不仅生存了下来，而且常常重新实现了盈利。

Not the 20% profit margins that were routine a few years ago, but profit all the same.

虽然不再是几年前习以为常的20%利润率，但至少还是盈利了。

It has not been much fun.

这过程并不怎么愉快。

Many papers stayed afloat by pushing journalists overboard.

许多报纸通过裁员记者才得以维持运营。

The American Society of News Editors reckons that 13,500 newsroom jobs have gone since 2007.

美国新闻编辑协会估计，自2007年以来，新闻编辑室的岗位减少了13,500个。

Readers are paying more for slimmer products.

读者为内容更少的报纸支付了更高的费用。

Some papers even had the nerve to refuse delivery to distant suburbs.

有些报纸甚至胆敢拒绝向远郊地区配送报纸。

Yet these desperate measures have proved the right ones and, sadly for many journalists, they can be pushed further.

然而，这些绝望的措施已被证明是正确的，对许多记者来说，令人遗憾的是，这些措施还可以进一步推进。

Newspapers are becoming more balanced businesses, with a healthier mix of revenues from readers and advertisers.

报纸正逐渐成为更加平衡的业务，收入来源更加健康地分布在读者和广告商之间。

American papers have long been highly unusual in their reliance on ads.

美国报纸长期以来在依赖广告方面都极为不寻常。

Fully 87% of their revenues came from advertising in 2008, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD).

根据经济合作与发展组织（OECD）的数据，2008年它们的收入中有整整87%来自广告。

In Japan the proportion is 35%.

在日本，这一比例为35%。

Not surprisingly, Japanese newspapers are much more stable.

不出所料，日本的报纸要稳定得多。

The whirlwind that swept through newsrooms harmed everybody, but much of the damage has been concentrated in areas where newspapers are least distinctive.

席卷新闻编辑室的风暴伤害了所有人，但大部分损害集中在报纸最不具特色的地方。

Car and film reviewers have gone.

汽车和电影评论员已经离职。

So have science and general business reporters.

科学记者和一般商业记者也是如此。

Foreign bureaus have been savagely cut off.

外国事务部门已被大幅削减。

Newspapers are less complete as a result.

因此，报纸的内容变得不那么完整了。

But completeness is no longer a virtue in the newspaper business.

但在报纸行业，全面性已不再是一种美德。

We tend to think of the decades immediately following World War II as a time of prosperity and growth, with soldiers returning home by the millions, going off to college on the G.

我们往往将第二次世界大战结束后的几十年视为繁荣与增长的时期，数以百万计的士兵返回家园，凭借G.I.法案进入大学深造。

Bill and lining up at the marriage bureaus.

比尔和排队去婚姻登记处。

But when it came to their houses, it was a time of common sense and a belief that less could truly be more.

但当谈到他们的房屋时，那是一个讲求常识和相信少即是多的时期。

During the Depression and the war, Americans had learned to live with less, and that restraint, in combination with the postwar confidence in the future, made small, efficient housing positively stylish.

在经济大萧条和战争时期，美国人学会了用更少的东西生活，而这种克制与战后对未来的信心相结合，使得小型而高效的住房变得非常时尚。

Economic condition was only a stimulus for the trend toward efficient living.

经济状况只是推动高效生活方式趋势的一个刺激因素。

The phrase “less is more” was actually first popularized by a German, the architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, who like other people associated with the Bauhaus, a school of design, emigrated to the United States before World War II and took up posts at American architecture schools.

“少即是多”这一说法实际上最早是由一位德国人、建筑师路德维希·密斯·凡德罗（Ludwig Mies van der Rohe）推广开来的，他像其他与包豪斯设计学院有关的人一样，在第二次世界大战前移居美国，并在美国的建筑学院担任教职。

These designers came to exert enormous influence on the course of American architecture, but none more so than Mies.

这些设计师对美国建筑的发展产生了巨大影响，但其中没有人比密斯的影响更为深远。

Mies’s signature phrase means that less decoration, properly organized, has more impact than a lot.

密斯的标志性短语意味着，经过合理组织的简洁装饰，其效果比大量装饰更显著。

Elegance, he believed, did not derive from abundance.

他认为，优雅并非源于繁复。

Like other modern architects, he employed metal, glass and laminated wood – materials that we take for granted today but that in the 1940s symbolized the future.

和其它现代建筑师一样，他使用金属、玻璃和层压木板——这些材料如今我们习以为常，但在20世纪40年代却象征着未来。

Mies’s sophisticated presentation masked the fact that the spaces he designed were small and efficient, rather than big and often empty.

密斯高雅的展示方式掩盖了一个事实，即他设计的空间是小巧而高效的，而不是宏大而常常空荡的。

The apartments in the elegant towers Mies built on Chicago’s Lake Shore Drive, for example, were smaller – two-bedroom units under 1,000 square feet – than those in their older neighbors along the city’s Gold Coast.

例如，密斯在芝加哥湖岸大道（Lake Shore Drive）上建造的那些优雅的高层建筑中的公寓，面积不到1000平方英尺的两居室单位，比沿城市黄金海岸（Gold Coast）的老邻居们的公寓还要小。

But they were popular because of their airy glass walls, the views they afforded and the elegance of the buildings’ details and proportions, the architectural equivalent of the abstract art so popular at the time.

但它们之所以受欢迎，是因为其轻盈的玻璃墙、提供的视野以及建筑细节和比例的优雅，这相当于当时非常流行的抽象艺术。

The trend toward “less” was not entirely foreign.

对“少即是多”的趋势并非完全陌生。

In the 1930s Frank Lloyd Wright started building more modest and efficient houses – usually around 1,200 square feet – than the spreading two-story ones he had designed in the 1890s and the early 20th century.

20世纪30年代，弗兰克·洛伊·莱特开始建造更为谦逊和高效的住宅——通常约为1200平方英尺——这比他在19世纪90年代和20世纪初设计的那些宽敞的两层住宅要小得多。

The “Case Study Houses” commissioned from talented modern architects by California Arts & Architecture magazine between 1945 and 1962 were yet another homegrown influence on the “less is more” trend.

1945年至1962年间，《加利福尼亚艺术与建筑》杂志委托才华横溢的现代建筑师设计的“案例研究住宅”是又一个本土影响“少即是多”趋势的因素。

Aesthetic effect came from the landscape, new materials and forthright detailing.

美学效果来自于景观、新材料和坦率的细节处理。

In his Case Study House, Ralph Rapson may have mispredicted just how the mechanical revolution would impact everyday life – few American families acquired helicopters, though most eventually got clothes dryers – but his belief that self-sufficiency was both desirable and inevitable was widely shared.

在他的案例研究住宅中，拉尔夫·拉普森可能错误地预测了机械革命将如何影响日常生活——很少有美国家庭拥有直升机，尽管大多数最终都拥有了干衣机——但他认为自给自足既是可取的也是不可避免的，这一信念在当时被广泛认同。

Will the European Union make it?

欧盟能挺过去吗？

The question would have sounded strange not long ago.

这个问题在不久前听起来还会很奇怪。

Now even the project’s greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a “Bermuda triangle” of debt, population decline and lower growth.

如今，即使是该项目最坚定的支持者，也谈到一个大陆正面临债务、人口减少和增长放缓的'百慕大三角'。

As well as those chronic problems, the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core, the 16 countries that use the single currency.

除了这些长期存在的问题，欧盟还面临着其经济核心地区——使用单一货币的16个国家——的严重危机。

Markets have lost faith that the euro zone’s economies, weaker or stronger, will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency, which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.

市场已失去信心，认为欧元区的经济体，无论强弱，终有一天会因共享单一货币的纪律而趋于一致，而这种纪律使得缺乏竞争力的成员国无法通过贬值来迅速解决问题。

Yet the debate about how to save Europe’s single currency from disintegration is stuck.

然而，关于如何拯救欧洲单一货币以避免解体的辩论却陷入僵局。

It is stuck because the euro zone’s dominant powers, France and Germany, agree on the need for greater harmonisation within the euro zone, but disagree about what to harmonise.

这是因为欧元区的主要强国——法国和德国——虽然都同意需要在欧元区内部实现更大的协调一致，但对应该协调什么存在分歧。

Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrowing, spending and competitiveness, backed by quasi-automatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.

德国认为，必须通过更严格的借贷、支出和竞争力规则来拯救欧元，并对不遵守规则的政府实施准自动化的制裁。

These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU mega-projects, and even the suspension of a country’s voting rights in EU ministerial councils.

这些制裁可能包括冻结对较贫穷地区的欧盟资金和大型欧盟项目的拨款，甚至暂停一个国家在欧盟部长理事会中的投票权。

It insists that economic co-ordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club, among whom there is a small majority for free-market liberalism and economic rigour; in the inner core alone, Germany fears, a small majority favour French interference.

它坚持认为经济协调应包括欧盟俱乐部的全部27个成员国，在这些国家中，自由市场经济和经济严谨性的支持者占少数；而在核心地区，德国担心，支持法国干预的少数派却占了多数。

A “southern” camp headed by France wants something different: “European economic government” within an inner core of euro-zone members.

由法国领导的所谓“南方”阵营则希望实现不同的目标：在欧元区核心成员国内部建立一个“欧洲经济政府”。”

Translated, that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members, via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.

换言之，这意味着政治家们将干预货币政策，并建立一种从富裕成员国向贫穷成员国进行财富再分配的体系，例如通过共同的欧元债券或完全的财政转移，使政府能够以更低的成本借款。

Finally, figures close to the Franch government have murmured, euro-zone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonisation: e.g., curbing competition in corporate-tax rates or labour costs.

最后，法国政府内部人士表示，欧元区成员国应达成财政和社会政策的协调统一，例如限制在公司税率或劳动力成本方面的竞争。

It is too soon to write off the EU.

现在下结论认为欧盟已经失败还为时过早。

It remains the world’s largest trading block.

它仍然是世界上最大的贸易集团。

At its best, the European project is remarkably liberal: built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries, its internal borders are far more open to goods, capital and labour than any comparable trading area.

在最好的情况下，欧洲项目表现出显著的自由主义特征：它围绕着一个由27个富国和穷国组成的单一市场，其内部边界对商品、资本和劳动力的开放程度远高于任何其他类似的贸易区域。

It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalisation, and make capitalism benign.

这是一个雄心勃勃的尝试，旨在削弱全球化的最尖锐部分，使资本主义变得温和。”

Who would have thought that, globally, the IT industry produces about the same volume of greenhouse gases as the world’s airlines do – roughly 2 percent of all CO2 emissions?

谁能想到，全球IT行业产生的温室气体量与全球航空业相当——约占全球二氧化碳排放量的2%？

Many everyday tasks take a surprising toll on the environment.

许多日常任务对环境造成出人意料的负担。

A Google search can leak between 0.2 and 7.0 grams of CO2, depending on how many attempts are needed to get the “right” answer.

一次谷歌搜索可能泄漏0.2至7.0克的CO2，取决于获取“正确”答案所需的尝试次数。

To deliver results to its users quickly, then, Google has to maintain vast data centres around the world, packed with powerful computers.

为了快速向用户交付结果，Google必须在全球维护庞大的数据中心，里面装满强大计算机。

While producing large quantities of CO2, these computers emit a great deal of heat, so the centres need to be well air-conditioned, which uses even more energy.

这些计算机在产生大量二氧化碳的同时还会排放大量热量，因此数据中心需要配备良好的空调系统，这会消耗更多能源。

However, Google and other big tech providers monitor their efficiency closely and make improvements.

然而，谷歌和其他大型科技公司密切监控其效率并进行改进。

Monitoring is the first step on the road to reduction, but there is much more to be done, and not just by big companies.

监测是减少之路的第一步，但还有很多工作要做，不仅仅需要大公司来承担。