2016年全国硕士研究生入学统一考试英语(一)试题

In Cambodia, the choice of a spouse is a complex one for the young male.

在柬埔寨，年轻男性选择配偶是个复杂的问题。

It may involve not only his parents and his friends, 1 those of the young woman, but also a matchmaker.

它可能不仅涉及他的父母和朋友，1女方的亲友，还可能涉及一名媒人。

A young man can 2 a likely spouse on his own and then ask his parents to 3 the marriage negotiations, or the young man's parents may make the choice of a spouse, giving the child little to say in the selection.

年轻男子可以自己 2 一位可能的配偶，然后请父母来 3 婚姻谈判，或者年轻男子的父母可能做出选择配偶的决定，让孩子在选择中几乎没有发言权。

4 a girl may veto the spouse her parents have chosen.

4 一个女孩可能否决父母为她选择的配偶。

5 a spouse has been selected, each family investigates the other to make sure its child is marrying 6 a good family.

5 一旦选定配偶，每个家庭都会调查对方，以确保自己的孩子能与 6一个好家庭联姻。

The traditional wedding is a long and colorful affair.

传统婚礼是一个漫长而丰富多彩的活动。

Formerly it lasted three days, 7 by the 1980s it more commonly lasted a day and a half.

以前它持续三天，7到20世纪80年代，它通常持续一天半。

Buddhist priests offer a short sermon and 8 prayers of blessing.

佛教僧侣提供一次简短的布道和 8 个祝福祈祷。

Parts of the ceremony involve ritual hair cutting, 9 cotton threads soaked in holy water around the bride's and groom's wrists, and 10 a candle around a circle of happily married and respected couples to bless the 11 .

仪式部分包括仪式性理发、9根浸过圣水的棉线缠绕在新娘和新郎的手腕上，以及10将蜡烛环绕在一群幸福美满且受人尊敬的夫妻周围以祝福11。

Newlyweds traditionally move in with the wife's parents and may 12 with them up to a year, 13 they can build a new house nearby.

新婚夫妇传统上会搬去和妻子的父母同住，可能与他们同住长达一年，13他们可以在附近建新房。

Divorce is legal and easy to 14 , but not common.

离婚是合法且易于14，但并不常见。

Divorced persons are 15 with some disapproval.

离婚人士中有15人不赞同。

Each spouse retains 16 property he or she 17 into the marriage, and jointly-acquired property is 18 equally.

每名配偶保有其在婚姻中带入的16财产，共同财产则按18进行分割。

Divorced persons may remarry, but a gender prejudice 19 up: The divorced male doesn't have a waiting period before he can remarry 20 the woman must wait ten months.

离婚人士可以再婚，但存在一种性别偏见19：离婚男性再婚前无需等待期，而女性必须等待十个月。

France, which prides itself as the global innovator of fashion, has decided its fashion industry has lost an absolute right to define physical beauty for women.

法国以全球时尚创新者自居，但如今它已决定，其时尚产业不再拥有绝对权利来定义女性的物理美。

Its lawmakers gave preliminary approval last week to a law that would make it a crime to employ ultra-thin models on runways.

其立法机构上周已对该法律进行了初步批准，该法律将规定在时装秀上雇佣超瘦模特属于犯罪行为。

The parliament also agreed to ban websites that "incite excessive thinness" by promoting extreme dieting.

议会还同意禁止那些通过宣传极端节食来"煽动过度瘦身"的网站。

Such measures have a couple of uplifting motives.

此类措施背后有几个积极的动机。

They suggest beauty should not be defined by looks that end up impinging on health.

它们表明，美不应该被那些最终损害健康的外貌所定义。

That's a start.

那是一个开始。

And the ban on ultra-thin models seems to go beyond protecting models from starving themselves to death - as some have done.

而对超瘦模特的禁令似乎不仅仅是为了保护模特免于因节食致死——一些模特确实这样做过。

It tells the fashion industry that it must take responsibility for the signal it sends women, especially teenage girls, about the social tape-measure they must use to determine their individual worth.

它还向时尚行业传达了一个信息，即它必须为向女性，尤其是青少年女孩传递的关于她们必须用来衡量自身价值的社会标准负责。

The bans, if fully enforced, would suggest to women (and many men) that they should not let others be arbiters of their beauty.

如果这些禁令得到全面执行，将向女性（以及许多男性）表明，他们不应让他人成为评判自己美貌的标准。

And perhaps faintly, they hint that people should look to intangible qualities like character and intellect rather than dieting their way to size zero or wasp-waist physiques.

或许还隐含着一个微弱的暗示，即人们应该关注诸如品格和智慧等无形的特质，而不是通过节食来达到零号身材或蜂腰细臀的体型。

The French measures, however, rely too much on severe punishment to change a culture that still regards beauty as skin-deep - and bone-showing.

然而，法国的措施过于依赖严厉的惩罚，以改变一种仍将美貌视为肤浅、并以显露骨骼为美的文化。

Under the law, using a fashion model that does not meet a government-defined index of body mass could result in a $85,000 fine and six months in prison.

根据法律，使用不符合政府定义的体重指数的时装模特，可能导致85000美元的罚款和六个月的监禁。

The fashion industry knows it has an inherent problem in focusing on material adornment and idealized body types.

时装行业知道，它本身存在一个固有问题，即过于关注物质装饰和理想化的身体类型。

In Denmark, the United States, and a few other countries, it is trying to set voluntary standards for models and fashion images that rely more on peer pressure for enforcement.

在丹麦、美国和其他少数国家，它正在尝试为模特和时装形象制定自愿标准，这些标准更多地依赖同行压力来执行。

In contrast to France's actions, Denmark's fashion industry agreed last month on rules and sanctions regarding the age, health, and other characteristics of models.

与法国的做法相反，上个月丹麦的时装行业就有关模特年龄、健康状况和其他特征的规则和惩罚措施达成了一致。

The newly revised Danish Fashion Ethical Charter clearly states: "We are aware of and take responsibility for the impact the fashion industry has on body ideals, especially on young people.

新修订的丹麦时装道德宪章明确指出："我们意识到并承担时装行业对身体理想，尤其是对年轻人所产生的影响。"

The charter's main tool of enforcement is to deny access for designers and modeling agencies to Copenhagen Fashion Week (CFW), which is run by the Danish Fashion Institute.

宪章的主要执行工具是拒绝设计师和模特经纪公司参加由丹麦时装协会主办的哥本哈根时装周（CFW）。

But in general it relies on a name-and-shame method of compliance.

但总体而言，它依赖于一种通过曝光和谴责来实现合规的方法。

Relying on ethical persuasion rather than law to address the misuse of body ideals may be the best step.

依靠道德劝说而非法律来应对身体理想被滥用的问题可能是最好的一步。

Even better would be to help elevate notions of beauty beyond the material standards of a particular industry.

更好的做法是帮助提升人们对美的观念，使其超越特定行业的物质标准。

For the first time in history more people live in towns than in the country.

历史上首次有更多人居住在城镇而非乡村。

In Britain this has had a curious result.

在英国，这导致了一个奇特的结果。

While polls show Britons rate "the countryside" alongside the royal family, Shakespeare and the National Health Service (NHS) as what makes them proudest of their country, this has limited political support.

尽管民调显示，英国人将"乡村"与王室、莎士比亚和国家医疗服务体系（NHS）并列，视为让他们最引以为豪的国家象征，但这种观念在政治上却缺乏广泛支持。

A century ago Octavia Hill launched the National Trust not to rescue stylish houses but to save "the beauty of natural places for everyone forever.

一个世纪前，奥克塔维娅·希尔发起成立国家信托基金，并非为了拯救时尚的房屋，而是为了"永远为所有人保存自然景观的美丽"。

It was specifically to provide city dwellers with spaces for leisure where they could experience "a refreshing air.

这特别旨在为城市居民提供休闲空间，让他们能够体验到"清新的空气"。

Hill's pressure later led to the creation of national parks and green belts.

希尔的推动后来促成了国家公园和绿色地带的建立。

They don't make countryside any more, and every year concrete consumes more of it.

他们不再建造乡村了，而且每年混凝土都在吞噬更多的乡村地区。

It needs constant guardianship.

它需要持续的保护。

At the next election none of the big parties seem likely to endorse this sentiment.

在下次选举中，似乎没有任何大党会支持这种观点。

The Conservatives' planning reform explicitly gives rural development priority over conservation, even authorising "off-plan" building where local people might object.

保守党的规划改革明确将农村发展置于环境保护之上，甚至授权在当地人可能反对的地方进行"非规划区"建设。

The concept of sustainable development has been defined as profitable.

可持续发展的概念已被定义为盈利性。

Labour likewise wants to discontinue local planning where councils oppose development.

工党同样希望在地方议会反对开发的情况下终止地方规划。

The Liberal Democrats are silent.

自由民主党则保持沉默。

Only Ukip, sensing its chance, has sided with those pleading for a more considered approach to using green land.

只有英国独立党（Ukip）察觉到机会，站在那些呼吁更谨慎使用绿地的人一边。

Its Campaign to Protect Rural England struck terror into many local Conservative parties.

其保护英格兰乡村的运动使许多地方保守党派感到恐慌。

The sensible place to build new houses, factories and offices is where people are, in cities and towns where infrastructure is in place.

新建住宅、工厂和办公楼的合理地点应该是有人居住的地方，即基础设施已经完备的城市和城镇。

The London agents Stirling Ackroyd recently identified enough sites for half a million houses in the London area alone, with no intrusion on green belt.

伦敦的斯特林·阿克罗伊德代理公司最近仅在伦敦地区就确定了足够建设五十万套房屋的地点，且不侵占绿带区域。

What is true of London is even truer of the provinces.

伦敦的情况在省区更为明显。

The idea that "housing crisis" equals "concreted meadows" is pure lobby talk.

将"住房危机"等同于"水泥化的草地"的说法纯粹是游说团体的言论。

The issue is not the need for more houses but, as always, where to put them.

问题不是需要更多的房屋，而是，一如既往的，要把它们建在哪里。

Under lobby pressure, George Osborne favours rural new-build against urban renovation and renewal.

在游说团体的压力下，乔治·奥斯本倾向于在乡村建设新房，而不是在城市进行翻新和更新。

He favours out-of-town shopping sites against high streets.

他更倾向于建设城外购物中心，而不是市中心的商业街。

This is not a free market but a biased one.

这不是一个自由市场，而是一个有偏见的市场。

Rural towns and villages have grown and will always grow.

乡村城镇和村庄已经发展，并且将一直持续发展。

They do so best where building sticks to their edges and respects their character.

它们在建筑紧贴边缘并尊重其特色的地方发展得最好。

We do not ruin urban conservation areas.

我们不会破坏城市保护区域。

Why ruin rural ones?

为什么要去破坏乡村区域呢？

Development should be planned, not let rip.

发展应当是有计划的，而不是放任自流。

After the Netherlands, Britain is Europe's most crowded country.

继荷兰之后，英国是欧洲人口最稠密的国家。

Half a century of town and country planning has enabled it to retain an enviable rural coherence, while still permitting low-density urban living.

半个世纪的城乡规划使英国得以保持令人羡慕的乡村整体性，同时仍然允许低密度的城市生活。

There is no doubt of the alternative - the corrupted landscapes of southern Portugal, Spain or Ireland.

毫无疑问，这种替代方案就是葡萄牙、西班牙或爱尔兰被破坏的自然景观。

Avoiding this rather than promoting it should unite the left and right of the political spectrum.

避免这种情况而不是推动它，应该能团结政治光谱的左翼和右翼。

"There is one and only one social responsibility of business," wrote Milton Friedman, a Nobel prize-winning economist, "That is, to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits.

诺贝尔奖获得者经济学家米尔顿·弗里德曼写道："企业唯一且绝对的社会责任，就是利用其资源并从事旨在增加其利润的活动。"

But even if you accept Friedman's premise and regard corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies as a waste of shareholders' money, things may not be absolutely clear-cut.

但即使你接受了弗里德曼的前提，并认为企业社会责任（CSR）政策是股东资金的浪费，事情可能也并非绝对明确。

New research suggests that CSR may create monetary value for companies - at least when they are prosecuted for corruption.

新的研究表明，当企业因腐败行为被起诉时，CSR可能会为公司创造货币价值。

The largest firms in America and Britain together spend more than $15 billion a year on CSR, according to an estimate by EPG, a consulting firm.

据咨询公司EPG的估计，美国和英国最大的公司每年在CSR上合计支出超过150亿美元。

This could add value to their businesses in three ways.

这可能通过三种方式为其业务增加价值。

First, consumers may take CSR spending as a "signal" that a company's products are of high quality.

首先，消费者可能会将CSR支出视为一种"信号"，表明公司的产品具有高质量。

Second, customers may be willing to buy a company's products as an indirect way to donate to the good causes it helps.

其次，顾客可能愿意购买一家公司的产品，以此作为一种间接方式，向该公司支持的公益事业捐款。

And third, through a more diffuse "halo effect," whereby its good deeds earn it greater consideration from consumers and others.

第三，通过更为分散的"光环效应"，即该公司所做的善举使其获得更多消费者和其他人的关注。

Previous studies on CSR have had trouble differentiating these effects because consumers can be affected by all three.

以往关于企业社会责任（CSR）的研究难以区分这些效应，因为消费者可能同时受到这三种因素的影响。

A recent study attempts to separate them by looking at bribery prosecutions under America's Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA).

最近的一项研究试图将它们区分开来，方法是考察美国《反海外腐败法》（FCPA）下的贿赂调查案件。

It argues that since prosecutors do not consume a company's products as part of their investigations, they could be influenced only by the halo effect.

该研究认为，由于检察官在调查过程中并不消费公司的产品，因此他们可能只受到光环效应的影响。

The study found that, among prosecuted firms, those with the most comprehensive CSR programmes tended to get more lenient penalties.

研究发现，在被起诉的公司中，那些拥有最全面的企业社会责任项目的公司往往获得更轻的处罚。

Their analysis ruled out the possibility that it was firms' political influence, rather than their CSR stand, that accounted for the leniency: Companies that contributed more to political campaigns did not receive lower fines.

他们的分析排除了这种可能性：即公司获得宽大处理是因为其政治影响力，而非其企业社会责任立场：在政治竞选中捐款更多的公司并未获得更低的罚款。

In all, the study concludes that whereas prosecutors should only evaluate a case based on its merits, they do seem to be influenced by a company's record in CSR.

总的来说，该研究得出结论认为，尽管检察官应该仅根据案件本身的实际情况进行评估，但他们似乎确实受到了公司在企业社会责任方面的记录的影响。

"We estimate that either eliminating a substantial labour-rights concern, such as child labour, or increasing corporate giving by about 20% results in fines that generally are 40% lower than the typical punishment for bribing foreign officials," says one researcher.

一位研究者表示："我们估计，无论是消除一个重大的劳工权利问题（如童工），还是将企业捐赠增加约20%，通常都会导致罚款比贿赂外国官员的典型惩罚低40%。"

Researchers admit that their study does not answer the question of how much businesses ought to spend on CSR.

研究人员承认，他们的研究并未回答企业应在企业社会责任（CSR）上花费多少的问题。

Nor does it reveal how much companies are banking on the halo effect, rather than the other possible benefits, when they decide their do-gooding policies.

它也没有揭示当企业决定其行善政策时，究竟有多少公司是依赖光环效应，而不是其他可能的好处。

But at least they have demonstrated that when companies get into trouble with the law, evidence of good character can win them a less costly punishment.

但至少他们已经证明，当企业陷入法律麻烦时，良好的品行证据可以使他们获得成本更低的惩罚。

There will eventually come a day when The New York Times ceases to publish stories on newsprint.

最终总会有一天，《纽约时报》将不再用新闻纸印刷新闻故事。

Exactly when that day will be is a matter of debate.

这一天究竟何时到来，仍存在争议。

"Sometime in the future," the paper's publisher said back in 2010.

"总有一天，"该报纸的出版商在2010年时表示，"会在未来某个时候。"

Nostalgia for ink on paper and the rustle of pages aside, there's plenty of incentive to ditch print.

除了对纸张上的油墨和翻阅纸页时的沙沙声怀有怀旧之情外，放弃印刷版还有很多激励因素。

The infrastructure required to make a physical newspaper - printing presses, delivery trucks - isn't just expensive; it's excessive at a time when online-only competitors don't have the same set of financial constraints.

制作一份纸质报纸所需的基础设施——印刷机、投递卡车——不仅昂贵；在如今仅在线竞争者没有相同财务约束的情况下，这种投入更是过于庞大了。

Readers are migrating away from print anyway.

无论如何，读者正在远离纸质版报纸。

And though print ad sales still dwarf their online and mobile counterparts, revenue from print is still declining.

尽管纸质广告销售仍远超其在线和移动广告销售，但纸质广告的收入仍在下降。

Overhead may be high and circulation lower, but rushing to eliminate its print edition would be a mistake, says BuzzFeed CEO Jonah Peretti.

尽管运营成本可能很高，发行量也可能较低，但BuzzFeed首席执行官乔纳森·佩雷蒂（Jonah Peretti）表示，匆忙取消纸质版将是错误的决定。

Peretti says the Times shouldn't waste time getting out of the print business, but only if they go about doing it the right way.

佩雷蒂表示，《纽约时报》不应该浪费时间退出纸质业务，但前提是他们必须以正确的方式来进行。

"Figuring out a way to accelerate that transition would make sense for them," he said, "but if you discontinue it, you're going to have your most loyal customers really upset with you.

他说："找到一种方法来加快这一转型对他们来说是有意义的，但如果你直接取消纸质版，你的最忠实客户会非常不满。"

Sometimes that's worth making a change anyway.

有时候，即使这样，做出改变也是值得的。

Peretti gives the example of Netflix discontinuing its DVD-mailing service to focus on streaming.

佩雷蒂举了Netflix取消其DVD邮寄服务以专注于流媒体服务的例子。

"It was seen as a blunder," he said.

他说道："这被视为一个失误。"

The move turned out to be foresighted.

这一举措最终被证明是远见卓识。

And if Peretti were in charge at the Times?

如果佩雷蒂负责《时代周刊》呢？

"I wouldn't pick a year to end print," he said.

他说："我不会选择一个年份来终止纸质版。"

"I would raise prices and make it into more of a legacy product.

我会提高价格，把它打造成更具传承价值的产品。

The most loyal customers would still get the product they favor, the idea goes, and they'd feel like they were helping sustain the quality of something they believe in.

这个想法认为，最忠实的客户仍然会得到他们偏好的产品，并且他们会觉得自己在帮助维持他们所相信的事物的质量。

"So if you're overpaying for print, you could feel like you were helping," Peretti said.

佩雷蒂说："如果你为纸质版支付了过高的价格，你就会觉得自己在帮助支持它。"

"Then increase it at a higher rate each year and essentially try to generate additional revenue.

然后每年以更高的幅度提高价格，从而尝试产生额外的收入。

In other words, if you're going to make a print product, make it for the people who are already obsessed with it.

换句话说，如果你要制作印刷品，就为那些已经痴迷于它的受众制作。

Which may be what the Times is doing already.

这或许就是《纽约时报》已经在做的事情。

Getting the print edition seven days a week costs nearly $500 a year - more than twice as much as a digital-only subscription.

每周七天获取印刷版的费用每年将近500美元——是仅购买数字版订阅的两倍多。

"It's a really hard thing to do and it's a tremendous luxury that BuzzFeed doesn't have a legacy business," Peretti remarked.

Peretti评论道："这真的很难做到，而BuzzFeed没有传统业务这一巨大优势，是一种极大的奢侈。"

"But we're going to have questions like that where we have things we're doing that don't make sense when the market changes and the world changes.

但我们会遇到这样的问题，当市场和世界发生变化时，我们正在做的事情可能就变得没有意义了。

In those situations, it's better to be more aggressive than less aggressive.

在这些情况下，采取更积极的策略比消极的策略更好。