2013年全国硕士研究生入学统一考试英语(一)试题

People are, on the whole, poor at considering background information when making individual decisions.

总体而言，人们在做出个人决策时并不擅长考虑背景信息。

At first glance this might seem like a strength that 1 the ability to make judgments which are unbiased by 2 factors.

乍看之下，这似乎是一种优势，即1做出不受2因素影响的判断的能力。

But Dr Uri Simonsohn speculated that an inability to consider the big 3 was leading decision-makers to be biased by the daily samples of information they were working with.

但乌里·西蒙索恩博士推测，无法考虑大3正在导致决策者受到他们所处理的每日信息样本的偏见影响。

4 , he theorised that a judge 5 of appearing too soft 6 crime might be more likely to send someone to prison 7 he had already sentenced five or six other defendants only to forced community service on that day.

4 ，他提出理论认为，一位法官如果 5显得对犯罪过于软弱 6，可能会更倾向于将某人送进监狱 7他当天已经判处五到六名其他被告仅接受强制社区服务。

To 8 this idea, he turned to the university-admissions process.

为了8这个想法，他转向了大学录取流程。

In theory, the 9 of an applicant should not depend on the few others 10 randomly for interview during the same day, but Dr Simonsohn suspected the truth was 11 .

理论上，申请人的 9不应该取决于当天随机安排的少数几位 10，但西蒙索恩博士怀疑事实是 11。

He studied the results of 9,323 MBA interviews 12 by 31 admissions officers.

他研究了9,323次MBA面试的结果，这些面试由31名招生官进行。

The interviewers had 13 applicants on a scale of one to five.

面试官对 13 名申请人进行了 1 到 5 分的评分。

This scale 14 numerous factors into consideration.

这个量表将 14 个众多因素考虑进去。

The scores were 15 used in conjunction with an applicant's score on the Graduate Management Admission Test, or GMAT, a standardised exam which is 16 out of 800 points, to make a decision on whether to accept him or her.

这些分数与申请人的研究生管理科入学考试GMAT成绩结合使用，GMAT是一项标准化考试，满分800分，用于决定是否录取申请人。

Dr Simonsohn found if the score of the previous candidate in a daily series of interviewees was 0.75 points or more higher than that of the one 17 that, then the score for the next applicant would 18 by an average of 0.075 points.

西蒙索恩博士发现，如果每日连续面试者系列中前一位候选人的分数比第17位候选人高出0.75分或更多，那么下一位申请人的分数平均会提高0.075分。

This might sound small, but to 19 the effects of such a decrease a candidate would need 30 more GMAT points than would otherwise have been 20 .

这听起来可能微不足道，但为了19这种下降的影响，考生需要比原本20多出30分的GMAT分数。

In the 2006 film version of The Devil Wears Prada, Miranda Priestly, played by Meryl Streep, scolds her unattractive assistant for imagining that high fashion doesn't affect her.

在2006年电影版《穿普拉达的女王》中，由梅丽尔·斯特里普饰演的米兰达·普里斯特利斥责她貌不出众的助理，认为她想象高时尚不会影响自己是错误的。

Priestly explains how the deep blue color of the assistant's sweater descended over the years from fashion shows to department stores and to the bargain bin in which the poor girl doubtless found her garment.

普里斯特利解释了助理毛衣的深蓝色颜色是如何多年来从时装秀场传到百货商店，最后落入折扣区，而这个可怜的女孩很可能就是在那儿找到这件衣服的。

This top-down conception of the fashion business couldn't be more out of date or at odds with the feverish world described in Overdressed, Elizabeth Cline's three-year indictment of "fast fashion".

这种自上而下的时尚产业观念已经过时，与伊丽莎白·克莱恩在《过度着装》中描述的狂热世界大相径庭，该书是对"快时尚"长达三年的批判。

In the last decade or so, advances in technology have allowed mass-market labels such as Zara, H&M, and Uniqlo to react to trends more quickly and anticipate demand more precisely.

在过去的十年左右，技术的进步使得像Zara、H&M和Uniqlo这样的大众市场品牌能够更快地响应潮流，并更精确地预测需求。

Quicker turnarounds mean less wasted inventory, more frequent releases, and more profit.

更快的周转意味着更少的库存浪费、更频繁的产品发布以及更多的利润。

These labels encourage style-conscious consumers to see clothes as disposable - meant to last only a wash or two, although they don't advertise that - and to renew their wardrobe every few weeks.

这些品牌鼓励注重时尚的消费者将衣物视为一次性用品——只穿一两次就该丢弃，尽管它们并未公开宣传这一点——并每隔几周就更新一次衣橱。

By offering on-trend items at dirt-cheap prices, Cline argues, these brands have hijacked fashion cycles, shaking an industry long accustomed to a seasonal pace.

克莱恩认为，通过以极低的价格提供符合潮流的商品，这些品牌已经操控了时尚周期，颠覆了一个长期习惯于按季节节奏运作的行业。

The victims of this revolution, of course, are not limited to designers.

当然，这场革命的受害者并不仅限于设计师。

For H&M to offer a $5.95 knit miniskirt in all its 2,300-plus stores around the world, it must rely on low-wage overseas labor, order in volumes that strain natural resources, and use massive amounts of harmful chemicals.

为了在全球2300多家门店中提供5.95美元的针织迷你裙，H&M必须依赖海外低工资劳动力，以大规模订单压榨自然资源，并使用大量有害化学品。

Overdressed is the fashion world's answer to consumer-activist bestsellers like Michael Pollan's The Omnivore's Dilemma.

《Overdressed》是时尚界对像迈克尔·波伦的《The Omnivore's Dilemma》这样的消费者活动主义畅销书的回应。

"Mass-produced clothing, like fast food, fills a hunger and need, yet is non-durable and wasteful," Cline argues.

克莱恩认为，大规模生产的服装，就像快餐一样，满足了人们的饥饿感和需求，但却不耐用且浪费。

Americans, she finds, buy roughly 20 billion garments a year - about 64 items per person - and no matter how much they give away, this excess leads to waste.

她发现，美国人每年购买大约200亿件服装——每人约64件——无论他们捐赠多少，这种过度消费都会导致浪费。

Towards the end of Overdressed, Cline introduced her ideal, a Brooklyn woman named Sarah Kate Beaumont, who since 2008 has made all of her own clothes - and beautifully.

在《过度着装》一书的结尾，克莱恩介绍了她的理想人物：一位名叫莎拉·凯特·比蒙特的布鲁克林女性，自2008年以来，她一直自己制作所有衣物，而且制作得非常精美。

But as Cline is the first to note, it took Beaumont decades to perfect her craft; her example can't be knocked off.

但正如克莱恩首先指出的那样，比蒙特花了数十年时间才精通她的手艺；她的例子无法被轻易复制。

Though several fast-fashion companies have made efforts to curb their impact on labor and the environment - including H&M, with its green Conscious Collection line - Cline believes lasting change can only be effected by the customer.

尽管几家快时尚公司已经努力减少对劳动力和环境的影响——包括H&M推出的环保意识系列——但克莱恩认为，只有消费者才能带来持久的改变。

She exhibits the idealism common to many advocates of sustainability, be it in food or in energy.

她展现出许多可持续发展倡导者所共有的理想主义，无论是食品还是能源领域都是如此。

Vanity is a constant; people will only start shopping more sustainably when they can't afford not to.

虚荣心是永恒的；人们只有在无法不这样做时，才会开始更加可持续地购物。

An old saying has it that half of all advertising budgets are wasted - the trouble is, no one knows which half.

有一句老话说，所有广告预算的一半都是浪费的——问题是，没人知道到底是哪一半。

In the internet age, at least in theory, this fraction can be much reduced.

在互联网时代，至少在理论上，这一比例可以大大减少。

By watching what people search for, click on and say online, companies can aim "behavioural" ads at those most likely to buy.

通过观察人们在线搜索的内容、点击的对象以及所说的话，公司可以向最有可能购买产品的用户投放"行为"广告。

In the past couple of weeks a quarrel has illustrated the value to advertisers of such fine-grained information: Should advertisers assume that people are happy to be tracked and sent behavioural ads?

在过去几周里，一场争论说明了此类精细信息对广告商的价值：广告商是否应该假定人们愿意被追踪并接收行为广告？

Or should they have explicit permission?

还是应该获得明确的许可？

In December 2010 America's Federal Trade Commission (FTC) proposed adding a "do not track" (DNT) option to internet browsers, so that users could tell advertisers that they did not want to be followed.

2010年12月，美国联邦贸易委员会（FTC）提议在互联网浏览器中增加一个"请勿追踪"（DNT）选项，以便用户可以告诉广告商他们不希望被追踪。

Microsoft's Internet Explorer and Apple's Safari both offer DNT; Google's Chrome is due to do so this year.

微软的Internet Explorer和苹果的Safari浏览器都已提供DNT功能；谷歌的Chrome浏览器今年也将推出该功能。

In February the FTC and the Digital Advertising Alliance (DAA) agreed that the industry would get cracking on responding to DNT requests.

2月，FTC与数字广告联盟（DAA）达成一致，认为行业应立即着手回应DNT请求。

On May 31st Microsoft set off the row.

5月31日，微软引发了这场争论。

It said that Internet Explorer 10, the version due to appear with Windows 8, would have DNT as a default.

它表示，即将随Windows 8一同发布的Internet Explorer 10将默认启用DNT功能。

Advertisers are horrified.

广告商感到震惊。

Human nature being what it is, most people stick with default settings.

人性使然，大多数人会坚持使用默认设置。

Few switch DNT on now, but if tracking is off it will stay off.

现在很少有人开启DNT（禁止跟踪）选项，但如果关闭了跟踪功能，它就会一直保持关闭状态。

Bob Liodice, the chief executive of the Association of National Advertisers, says consumers will be worse off if the industry cannot collect information about their preferences.

美国全国广告协会的首席执行官鲍勃·利奥迪斯表示，如果行业无法收集消费者偏好的信息，消费者将处于更不利的地位。

People will not get fewer ads, he says.

他表示，人们不会看到更少的广告。

"They'll get less meaningful, less targeted ads.

他们会看到更不相关、更不精准的广告。

It is not yet clear how advertisers will respond.

目前尚不清楚广告商将如何应对。

Getting a DNT signal does not oblige anyone to stop tracking, although some companies have promised to do so.

收到DNT信号并不会迫使任何人停止跟踪，尽管一些公司已承诺会这么做。

Unable to tell whether someone really objects to behavioural ads or whether they are sticking with Microsoft's default, some may ignore a DNT signal and press on anyway.

无法判断某人是否真的反对行为广告，还是只是沿用微软的默认设置，有些人可能会忽略DNT信号并继续进行广告投放。

Also unclear is why Microsoft has gone it alone.

同样不清楚的是，为什么微软要独自行动。

After all, it has an ad business too, which it says will comply with DNT requests, though it is still working out how.

毕竟，微软也有自己的广告业务，它表示将遵守DNT请求，尽管目前仍在摸索具体实施方式。

If it is trying to upset Google, which relies almost wholly on advertising, it has chosen an indirect method: there is no guarantee that DNT by default will become the norm.

如果微软试图通过这种方式来挑战谷歌，而谷歌几乎完全依赖广告收入，那么它选择了一种间接的方法：默认启用DNT并不能保证会成为行业标准。

DNT does not seem an obviously huge selling point for Windows 8 - though the firm has compared some of its other products favourably with Google's on that count before.

DNT似乎并不是Windows 8的一个明显的大卖点——尽管该公司之前在某些产品上曾与谷歌的产品做过有利比较。

Brendon Lynch, Microsoft's chief privacy officer, blogged: "We believe consumers should have more control.

微软的首席隐私官布伦登·林奇在博客中写道："我们认为消费者应该拥有更多的控制权。"

Could it really be that simple?

这真的能如此简单吗？

Up until a few decades ago, our visions of the future were largely - though by no means uniformly - glowingly positive.

直到几十年前，我们对未来的愿景大多是——尽管并非完全一致——充满乐观和积极的。

Science and technology would cure all the ills of humanity, leading to lives of fulfilment and opportunity for all.

科技将治愈人类的所有弊病，为所有人带来充满满足感和机遇的生活。

Now utopia has grown unfashionable, as we have gained a deeper appreciation of the range of threats facing us, from asteroid strike to epidemic flu and to climate change.

如今，乌托邦已不再流行，因为我们对所面临的各种威胁有了更深刻的认识，从小行星撞击到流感疫情，再到气候变化。

You might even be tempted to assume that humanity has little future to look forward to.

你甚至可能被诱惑去认为，人类几乎没有值得期待的未来。

But such gloominess is misplaced.

但这种悲观情绪是不恰当的。

The fossil record shows that many species have endured for millions of years - so why shouldn't we?

化石记录表明，许多物种已经延续了数百万年——那么我们为什么不能呢？

Take a broader look at our species' place in the universe, and it becomes clear that we have an excellent chance of surviving for tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of years.

从更广阔的视角来看我们这个物种在宇宙中的位置，就会清楚地认识到，我们有很好的机会生存数万年，甚至可能长达数十万年。

Look up Homo sapiens in the "Red List" of threatened species of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and you will read: "Listed as Least Concern as the species is very widely distributed, adaptable, currently increasing, and there are no major threats resulting in an overall population decline.

在国际自然保护联盟（IUCN）的《濒危物种红色名录》中查找智人（Homo sapiens），你会看到这样的描述："列为最不关心等级，因为该物种分布非常广泛，适应性强，目前数量正在增长，且没有重大威胁导致总体种群数量下降。"

So what does our deep future hold?

那么，我们的深远未来将带来什么呢？

A growing number of researchers and organisations are now thinking seriously about that question.

越来越多的研究人员和机构现在正认真思考这个问题。

For example, the Long Now Foundation has as its flagship project a mechanical clock that is designed to still be marking time thousands of years hence.

例如，Long Now 基金会将其旗舰项目定为一座机械钟，它被设计为在数千年后仍能继续计时。

Perhaps willfully, it may be easier to think about such lengthy timescales than about the more immediate future.

也许是有意为之，思考如此长远的时间尺度可能比思考更近的未来更容易一些。

The potential evolution of today's technology, and its social consequences, is dazzlingly complicated, and it's perhaps best left to science fiction writers and futurologists to explore the many possibilities we can envisage.

当今技术的潜在发展及其社会后果复杂得令人眼花缭乱，或许最好还是让科幻作家和未来学家去探索我们所能设想的众多可能性。

That's one reason why we have launched Arc, a new publication dedicated to the near future.

这就是我们推出《Arc》这一新出版物的原因之一，它专注于近未来。

But take a longer view and there is a surprising amount that we can say with considerable assurance.

但如果我们从更长远的角度来看，我们可以相当有把握地做出许多令人惊讶的陈述。

As so often, the past holds the key to the future: we have now identified enough of the long-term patterns shaping the history of the planet, and our species, to make evidence-based forecasts about the situations in which our descendants will find themselves.

正如往常一样，过去是未来的钥匙：我们现在已经识别出足够多的长期模式，这些模式塑造了地球以及我们这个物种的历史，因此可以基于证据对未来我们的后代所处的情境做出预测。

This long perspective makes the pessimistic view of our prospects seem more likely to be a passing fad.

这种长远视角使得我们对未来前景的悲观看法似乎更可能只是短暂的时尚。

To be sure, the future is not all rosy.

可以肯定的是，未来并非一片光明。

But we are now knowledgeable enough to reduce many of the risks that threatened the existence of earlier humans, and to improve the lot of those to come.

但我们现在拥有足够的知识，可以减少许多曾威胁早期人类生存的风险，并改善后代人的生活状况。

On a five to three vote, the Supreme Court knocked out much of Arizona's immigration law Monday - a modest policy victory for the Obama Administration.

在五比三的投票中，最高法院于周一否决了亚利桑那州移民法的大部分内容——这是奥巴马政府的一项适度的政策胜利。

But on the more important matter of the Constitution, the decision was an 8-0 defeat for the Administration's effort to upset the balance of power between the federal government and the states.

但在更为重要的宪法问题上，该裁决以八比零的结果成为政府试图打破联邦政府与各州之间权力平衡的努力的失败。

In Arizona v.

在亚利桑那州诉……案中

United States, the majority overturned three of the four contested provisions of Arizona's controversial plan to have state and local police enforce federal immigration law.

美国最高法院多数意见推翻了亚利桑那州颇具争议的计划中四个有争议条款中的三个，该计划试图让州和地方警察执行联邦移民法。

The Constitutional principles that Washington alone has the power to "establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization" and that federal laws precede state laws are noncontroversial.

华盛顿拥有权力来"制定统一的归化规则"以及联邦法律优先于州法律的宪法原则本身并无争议。

Arizona had attempted to fashion state policies that ran parallel to the existing federal ones.

亚利桑那州曾试图制定与现有联邦政策并行的州政策。

Justice Anthony Kennedy, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and the Court's liberals, ruled that the state flew too close to the federal sun.

安东尼·肯尼迪大法官，连同首席大法官约翰·罗伯茨和最高法院的自由派法官，裁定该州过于接近联邦政府的权力范围。

On the overturned provisions the majority held Congress had deliberately "occupied the field" and Arizona had thus intruded on the federal's privileged powers.

在被推翻的条款上，多数意见认为国会已经明确地"占据了领域"，因此亚利桑那州侵犯了联邦的特权权力。

However, the Justices said that Arizona police would be allowed to verify the legal status of people who come in contact with law enforcement.

然而，法官们表示，亚利桑那州的警察将被允许核实与执法部门接触人员的法律地位。

That's because Congress has always envisioned joint federal-state immigration enforcement and explicitly encourages state officers to share information and cooperate with federal colleagues.

这是因为国会一直设想的是联邦与州联合的移民执法，并明确鼓励州官员分享信息并与联邦同事合作。

Two of the three objecting Justices - Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas - agreed with this Constitutional logic but disagreed about which Arizona rules conflicted with the federal statute.

三位持反对意见的法官中，有两位 - 萨缪尔·阿利托和克拉伦斯·托马斯 - 赞同这一宪法逻辑，但对哪些亚利桑那州的法规与联邦法律相冲突存在分歧。

The only major objection came from Justice Antonin Scalia, who offered an even more robust defense of state privileges going back to the Alien and Sedition Acts.

唯一的主要反对意见来自安东尼·斯卡利亚法官，他在反对意见中提出了更为有力的州权辩护，这一辩护可以追溯到《外国人与煽动叛乱法》。

The 8-0 objection to President Obama turns on what Justice Samuel Alito describes in his objection as "a shocking assertion of federal executive power".

对奥巴马总统的8-0反对意见，基于萨缪尔·阿利托法官在其反对意见中所描述的"令人震惊的联邦行政权力主张"。

The White House argued that Arizona's laws conflicted with its enforcement priorities, even if state laws complied with federal statutes to the letter.

白宫方面认为，即使亚利桑那州的法律在字面上完全符合联邦法律，但这些法律与联邦的执法优先事项相冲突。

In effect, the White House claimed that it could invalidate any otherwise legitimate state law that it disagrees with.

实际上，白宫声称它可以使任何它不同意的、否则合法的州法律失效。

Some powers do belong exclusively to the federal government, and control of citizenship and the borders is among them.

一些权力是联邦政府独有的，对公民身份和边境的控制就是其中之一。

But if Congress wanted to prevent states from using their own resources to check immigration status, it could.

但如果国会想阻止各州使用自己的资源来核查移民身份，它本来是可以做到的。

It never did so.

但它从未这样做过。

The Administration was in essence asserting that because it didn't want to carry out Congress's immigration wishes, no state should be allowed to do so either.

政府实际上是在声称，由于它不想执行国会的移民政策，因此也不应允许任何州这样做。

Every Justice rightly rejected this remarkable claim.

每一位法官都正确地拒绝了这一惊人的主张。