2020年全国硕士研究生招生考试英语(一)试题

Even if families don't sit down to eat together as frequently as before, millions of Britons will nonetheless have got a share this weekend of one of that nation's great traditions: the Sunday roast.

即使家庭不再像以前那样频繁地坐下来一起吃饭，数百万英国人仍会在这个周末品尝到该国众多传统之一：周日烤肉大餐。

1 a cold winter's day, few culinary pleasures can 2 it.

1 个寒冷的冬日，很少有烹饪的乐趣能 2 它。

Yet as we report now, the food police are determined that this 3 should be rendered yet another guilty pleasure 4 to damage our health.

然而正如我们目前所报道的，食品警察决心将这个3变成又一个罪恶的享受4以损害我们的健康。

The Food Standards Authority (FSA) has 5 a public warning about the risks of a compound called acrylamide that forms in some foods cooked 6 high temperatures.

食品标准局（FSA）已 5 发布 一项关于一种名为丙烯酰胺的化合物的风险警告，这种化合物在某些用 6 高温 烹饪的食物中形成。

This means that people should 7 crisping their roast potatoes, reject thin-crust pizzas and only 8 toast their bread.

这意味着人们应该7让烤土豆酥脆，拒绝薄饼皮披萨，并且仅8烤面包。

But where is the evidence to support such alarmist advice?

但有什么证据能支持这种危言耸听的建议呢？

9 studies have shown that acrylamide can cause neurological damage in mice, there is no 10 evidence that it causes cancer in humans.

9 项研究显示丙烯酰胺会导致小鼠神经损伤，但没有 10 证据表明它会导致人类患癌。

Scientists say the compound is 11 to cause cancer but have no hard scientific proof.

科学家称该化合物是11致癌，但没有确凿的科学证据。

12 the precautionary principle, it could be argued that it is 13 to follow the FSA advice.

12 预防原则，可以说，遵循 FSA 的建议是 13

14 , it was rumoured that smoking caused cancer for years before the evidence was found to prove a 15 .

14 ，人们多年以来一直传闻吸烟会导致癌症，直到找到证据证明其 15 。

Doubtless a piece of boiled beef can always be 16 up on Sunday alongside some steamed vegetables, without the Yorkshire pudding and no wine.

毫无疑问，一块炖牛肉在周日总是可以 16 起来，配上一些蒸蔬菜，没有约克郡布丁，也不喝酒。

But would life be worth living?

但生活是否值得过？

17 , the FSA says it is not telling people to cut out roast foods 18 , but to reduce their lifetime intake.

17 ，FSA表示它并没有让人们完全戒掉烤制食品 18 ，而是要减少一生中的摄入量。

However, their 19 risks coming across as being pushy and overprotective.

然而，他们的19风险可能显得过于强硬和过度保护。

Constant health scares just 20 with one listening.

持续的健康恐慌只有20人愿意倾听。

A group of Labour MPs, among them Yvette Cooper, are bringing in the new year with a call to institute a UK "town of culture" award.

一群工党议员，其中包括伊薇特·库珀（Yvette Cooper），正在以设立英国"文化之城"奖项的呼吁，迎接新的一年。

The proposal is that it should sit alongside the existing city of culture title, which was held by Hull in 2017, and has been awarded to Coventry for 2021.

该提议是让这一称号与现有的“文化之城”头衔并列，后者由胡尔在2017年获得，并已授予考文垂在2021年获得。

Cooper and her colleagues argue that the success of the crown for Hull, where it brought in £20m of investment and an avalanche of arts, ought not to be confined to cities.

库珀及其同事认为，胡尔获得这一称号的成功，带来了2000万英镑的投资和一场艺术热潮，不应仅限于大城市。

Britain's towns, it is true, are not prevented from applying, but they generally lack the resources to put together a bid to beat their bigger competitors.

确实，英国的城镇并不被禁止申请，但它们通常缺乏足够的资源来组织一个能击败更大竞争对手的申办方案。

A town of culture award could, it is argued, become an annual event, attracting funding and creating jobs.

有人认为，文化之城的奖项可以成为一年一度的活动，吸引资金并创造就业机会。

Some might see the proposal as a booby prize for the fact that Britain is no longer able to apply for the much more prestigious title of European capital of culture, a sought-after award bagged by Glasgow in 1990 and Liverpool in 2008.

一些人可能认为这一提议是英国无法再申请更具声望的“欧洲文化之都”称号的安慰奖，这一奖项曾于1990年由格拉斯哥和2008年由利物浦获得。

A cynic might speculate that the UK is on the verge of disappearing into an endless fever of self-celebration in its desperation to reinvent itself for the post-Brexit world: after town of culture, who knows what will follow - village of culture?

一个愤世嫉俗者可能会猜测，英国正濒临在脱欧后的世界中不断自我庆祝的狂热边缘：在文化之城之后，谁知道还会有什么接踵而至——文化之村？

Suburb of culture?

文化之郊区？

Hamlet of culture?

文化之小村庄？

It is also wise to recall that such titles are not a cure-all.

也明智的是要记住，这类头衔并不是万能的解决方案。

A badly run "year of culture" washes in and washes out of a place like the tide, bringing prominence for a spell but leaving no lasting benefits to the community.

管理不善的"文化年"就像潮水一样涌入又退去，一时带来声望，但不会给社区留下持久的益处。

The really successful holders of such titles are those that do a great deal more than fill hotel bedrooms and bring in high-profile arts events and good press for a year.

真正成功的这类头衔持有者，所做的远不止是填满酒店客房、举办高调的艺术活动和获得良好的媒体报道。

They transform the aspirations of the people who live there; they nudge the self-image of the city into a bolder and more optimistic light.

它们改变了当地居民的抱负，也促使城市自我形象更加大胆和乐观。

It is hard to get right, and requires a remarkable degree of vision, as well as cooperation between city authorities, the private sector, community groups and cultural organisations.

要做到这一点很难，需要非凡的远见，以及市政府、私营部门、社区团体和文化组织之间的密切合作。

But it can be done: Glasgow's year as European capital of culture can certainly be seen as one of a complex series of factors that have turned the city into the powerhouse of art, music and theatre that it remains today.

但这是可以实现的：格拉斯哥作为欧洲文化之都的那一年，无疑可以被视为一系列复杂因素之一，这些因素使这座城市至今仍是艺术、音乐和戏剧的强大力量中心。

A "town of culture" could be not just about the arts but about honouring a town's peculiarities - helping sustain its high street, supporting local facilities and above all celebrating its people.

"文化城镇"不仅仅关乎艺术，还关乎彰显城镇的独特之处——帮助维持其主街商业，支持本地设施，最重要的是庆祝当地居民。

Jeremy Wright, the culture secretary, should welcome this positive, hope-filled proposal, and turn it into action.

文化大臣杰里米·赖特应该欢迎这一积极、充满希望的提议，并将其付诸行动。

Scientific publishing has long been a licence to print money.

科学出版长期以来一直是一块印钞机。

Scientists need journals in which to publish their research, so they will supply the articles without monetary reward.

科学家需要期刊来发表他们的研究成果，因此他们通常会无偿提供文章。

Other scientists perform the specialised work of peer review also for free, because it is a central element in the acquisition of status and the production of scientific knowledge.

其他科学家也会无偿地进行同行评审这项专业工作，因为这是获取地位和生产科学知识的核心环节。

With the content of papers secured for free, the publisher needs only find a market for its journal.

在内容已经无偿获得的情况下，出版商只需为其期刊找到一个市场即可。

Until this century, university libraries were not very price sensitive.

直到本世纪之前，大学图书馆对价格并不十分敏感。

Scientific publishers routinely report profit margins approaching 40% on their operations at a time when the rest of the publishing industry is in an existential crisis.

在出版行业其他领域正面临生存危机的时期，科学出版商却经常报告其运营利润率接近40%。

The Dutch giant Elsevier, which claims to publish 25% of the scientific papers produced in the world, made profits of more than £900m last year, while UK universities alone spent more than £210m in 2016 to enable researchers to access their own publicly funded research; both figures seem to rise unstoppably despite increasingly desperate efforts to change them.

荷兰巨头爱思唯尔声称出版了全球25%的科学论文，去年盈利超过9亿英镑，而仅英国大学在2016年就花费了超过2.1亿英镑，以使研究人员能够获取他们自己用公共资金资助的研究成果；尽管人们不断努力改变这一现状，但这两个数字似乎仍在不断攀升。

The most drastic, and thoroughly illegal, reaction has been the emergence of Sci-Hub, a kind of global photocopier for scientific papers, set up in 2012, which now claims to offer access to every paywalled article published since 2015.

最激烈且完全非法的反应是Sci-Hub的出现，它就像一台全球性的科学论文复印机，成立于2012年，如今声称可以提供自2015年以来所有付费墙后的论文访问权限。

The success of Sci-Hub, which relies on researchers passing on copies they have themselves legally accessed, shows the legal ecosystem has lost legitimacy among its users and must be transformed so that it works for all participants.

Sci-Hub 的成功依赖于研究人员传递他们自己合法获取的副本，这表明现行的法律生态系统在用户眼中已失去合法性，必须进行改革，使其对所有参与者都有效。

In Britain the move towards open access publishing has been driven by funding bodies.

在英国，向开放获取出版的转变是由资助机构推动的。

In some ways it has been very successful.

在某些方面，这已经非常成功了。

More than half of all British scientific research is now published under open access terms: either freely available from the moment of publication, or paywalled for a year or more so that the publishers can make a profit before being placed on general release.

目前，英国超过一半的科学研究都是以开放获取的形式发表的：要么从发表之初就免费提供，要么在一年或更长时间内付费访问，以便出版商在全面开放前获得利润。

Yet the new system has not yet worked out any cheaper for the universities.

然而，新系统尚未让大学的成本降低。

Publishers have responded to the demand that they make their product free to readers by charging their writers fees to cover the costs of preparing an article.

出版商为了满足让他们的产品对读者免费的需求，转而向作者收取费用以覆盖文章准备的成本。

These range from around £500 to $5,000, and apparently the work gets more expensive the more that publishers do it.

这些费用从大约 500 英镑到 5000 美元不等，显然，出版商做得越多，这项工作就越昂贵。

A report last year pointed out that the costs both of subscriptions and of these "article preparation costs" had been steadily rising at a rate above inflation.

去年的一份报告指出，订阅费用以及这些所谓的 "文章准备成本" 的费用一直在以高于通货膨胀的速度稳步上升。

In some ways the scientific publishing model resembles the economy of the social internet: labour is provided free in exchange for the hope of status, while huge profits are made by a few big firms who run the market places.

在某些方面，科学出版模式类似于社交互联网的经济模式：人们无偿提供劳动，以换取获得地位的希望，而市场由少数几家大公司掌控，它们却获得了巨大的利润。

In both cases, we need a rebalancing of power.

在这两种情况下，我们都需要重新平衡权力。

Progressives often support diversity mandates as a path to equality and a way to level the playing field.

进步派人士通常支持多样性强制规定，将其视为实现平等和平衡竞争环境的途径。

But all too often such policies are an insincere form of virtue-signaling that benefits only the most privileged and does little to help average people.

但很多时候，这类政策只是虚伪的道德示范形式，只对最 privileged 的群体有利，对普通人帮助甚微。

A pair of bills sponsored by Massachusetts state Senator Jason Lewis and House Speaker Pro Tempore Patricia Haddad, to ensure "gender parity" on boards and commissions, provide a case in point.

由马萨诸塞州参议员杰森·刘易斯和众议院临时议长帕特里夏·哈达德共同发起的两项法案，旨在确保委员会和董事会的"性别平等"，就是一个典型的例子。

Haddad and Lewis are concerned that more than half the state-government boards are less than 40 percent female.

哈达德和刘易斯担心，目前超过一半的州政府委员会中女性比例不足40%。

In order to ensure that elite women have more such opportunities, they have proposed imposing government quotas.

为了确保精英女性拥有更多这样的机会，他们提议实施政府配额。

If the bills become law, state boards and commissions will be required to set aside 50 percent of board seats for women by 2022.

如果这些法案成为法律，到2022年，州委员会和董事会将被要求将50%的席位保留给女性。

The bills are similar to a measure recently adopted in California, which last year became the first state to require gender quotas for private companies.

这些法案类似于加利福尼亚州最近通过的一项措施，该州去年成为第一个要求私营公司实行性别配额的州。

In signing the measure, California Governor Jerry Brown admitted that the law, which expressly classifies people on the basis of sex, is probably unconstitutional.

在签署该措施时，加利福尼亚州州长杰里·布朗承认，这项明确以性别为标准对人进行分类的法律，可能违宪。

The US Supreme Court frowns on sex-based classifications unless they are designed to address an "important" policy interest.

美国最高法院除非这些性别分类是为了应对一个"重要"的政策利益，否则会反对基于性别的分类。

Because the California law applies to all boards, even where there is no history of prior discrimination, courts are likely to rule that the law violates the constitutional guarantee of "equal protection".

由于加利福尼亚州的法律适用于所有董事会，即使在没有先前歧视历史的情况下，法院也可能裁定该法律违反宪法中的"平等保护"保证。

But are such government mandates even necessary?

但这样的政府强制规定是否真的必要呢？

Female participation on corporate boards may not currently mirror the percentage of women in the general population, but so what?

女性在公司董事会中的参与比例目前可能尚未反映一般人口中女性所占的比例，但这又有什么关系呢？

The number of women on corporate boards has been steadily increasing without government interference.

在没有政府干预的情况下，女性在公司董事会中的数量一直在稳步增加。

According to a study by Catalyst, between 2010 and 2015 the share of women on the boards of global corporations increased by 54 percent.

根据Catalyst的一项研究，2010年至2015年间，全球公司董事会中女性所占的比例增加了54%。

Requiring companies to make gender the primary qualification for board membership will inevitably lead to less experienced private sector boards.

要求公司将性别作为董事会成员资格的主要标准，势必会导致私营部门董事会成员的经验减少。

That is exactly what happened when Norway adopted a nationwide corporate gender quota.

当挪威全国范围内实施企业性别配额时，这种情况就恰恰发生了。

Writing in The New Republic, Alice Lee notes that increasing the number of opportunities for board membership without increasing the pool of qualified women to serve on such boards has led to a "golden skirt" phenomenon, where the same elite women scoop up multiple seats on a variety of boards.

《新共和国》杂志的撰稿人艾丽丝·李指出，如果没有增加有资格担任此类董事会成员的女性人数，而只是增加董事会成员的名额，就会导致所谓的"金色裙摆"现象，即同一批精英女性在各种董事会中占据多个席位。

Next time somebody pushes corporate quotas as a way to promote gender equity, remember that such policies are largely self-serving measures that make their sponsors feel good but do little to help average women.

下次有人推崇企业配额作为促进性别平等的手段时，请记住，这类政策大多是出于自我服务的目的，让政策的推动者感觉良好，但对普通女性的帮助却微乎其微。

Last Thursday, the French Senate passed a digital services tax, which would impose an entirely new tax on large multinationals that provide digital services to consumers or users in France.

上周四，法国参议院通过了一项数字服务税，该税将对向法国消费者或用户提供数字服务的大型跨国公司征收全新的税款。

Digital services include everything from providing a platform for selling goods and services online to targeting advertising based on user data, and the tax applies to gross revenue from such services.

数字服务包括从提供在线销售商品和服务的平台到基于用户数据进行定向广告投放的一切内容，而该税适用于此类服务的总收入。

Many French politicians and media outlets have referred to this as a "GAFA tax," meaning that it is designed to apply primarily to companies such as Google, Apple, Facebook and Amazon - in other words, multinational tech companies based in the United States.

许多法国政界人士和媒体将这项税称为"GAFA税"，这意味着它主要是针对谷歌、苹果、脸书和亚马逊等公司，换句话说，就是美国的跨国科技公司。

The digital services tax now awaits the signature of President Emmanuel Macron, who has expressed support for the measure, and it could go into effect within the next few weeks.

这项数字服务税现在正等待法国总统埃曼努埃尔·马克龙的签署，他表示支持这一措施，该税可能在接下来的几周内生效。

But it has already sparked significant controversy, with the United States trade representative opening an investigation into whether the tax discriminates against American companies, which in turn could lead to trade sanctions against France.

但它已经引发了重大争议，美国贸易代表已展开调查，以确定该税收是否对美国公司存在歧视，这反过来可能导致对法国的贸易制裁。

The French tax is not just a unilateral move by one country in need of revenue.

法国的这项税收不仅仅是某个需要增加收入的国家的单方面举措。

Instead, the digital services tax is part of a much larger trend, with countries over the past few years proposing or putting in place an alphabet soup of new international tax provisions.

相反，数字服务税是更广泛趋势的一部分，过去几年中，各国提出了或实施了一系列形形色色的新国际税收条款。

They have included Britain's DPT (diverted profits tax), Australia's MAAL (multinational anti-avoidance law), and India's SEP (significant economic presence) test, to name but a few.

其中包括英国的DPT（转移利润税）、澳大利亚的MAAL（跨国反避税法）和印度的SEP（重大经济存在）测试，仅举几例而已。

At the same time, the European Union, Spain, Britain and several other countries have all seriously contemplated digital services taxes.

同时，欧盟、西班牙、英国以及多个国家都认真考虑过征收数字服务税。

These unilateral developments differ in their specifics, but they are all designed to tax multinationals on income and revenue that countries believe they should have a right to tax, even if international tax rules do not grant them that right.

这些单方面举措在具体细节上有所不同，但它们的共同目标是针对跨国公司应税的收入和利润，即使现行国际税收规则并未赋予这些国家相应的征税权利。

In other words, they all share a view that the international tax system has failed to keep up with the current economy.

换句话说，它们都持有一种观点，即国际税收体系未能跟上当前经济的发展。

In response to these many unilateral measures, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) is currently working with 131 countries to reach a consensus by the end of 2020 on an international solution.

为应对这些众多的单方面措施，经济合作与发展组织（OECD）目前正在与131个国家合作，力争在2020年底之前就一项国际解决方案达成共识。

Both France and the United States are involved in the organization's work, but France's digital services tax and the American response raise questions about what the future holds for the international tax system.

法国和美国都参与了该组织的工作，但法国的数字服务税以及美国的应对措施引发了人们对国际税收体系未来走向的疑问。

France's planned tax is a clear warning: Unless a broad consensus can be reached on reforming the international tax system, other nations are likely to follow suit, and American companies will face a cascade of different taxes from dozens of nations that will prove burdensome and costly.

法国计划征收的这一税种是一个明确的警示：除非在改革国际税收体系方面达成广泛共识，否则其他国家可能会效仿，美国公司将面临来自数十个国家的不同税收，这将带来沉重的负担和高昂的成本。